The 3 Tier Government and Politics...

The 3 Tier Government and Politics...

In India, we have a three tier government structure Viz. Central Government, the State and the Local self government i.e. Gram Panchyat or Nagr Palika/Panchayat. Each level of government has a defined set of responsibilities and defined sources of revenues i.e. areas where they can levy tax on the populace for the services provided. However, the structure has a bias for top-down since the revenue potential as well as revenue garnered at center is much more and this is then shared with state and there is established mechanism to do so. Similarly, the state shares revenue with the local self government although the mechanism for doing so is still very hazy and varies from state to state.

Due to nature of dependencies, we have meaningful elections being contested at two levels only viz. at the state level and at the center. The smaller parties have often shunned contesting electoral battles for local self government level viz. at Gram Panchayat and Nagarpalika level. The reason being the politicians have near total dependency on higher level of governments and the horizon of action is very limited while local politicians are most exposed to public ire since the local government is responsible for most visible services such as sanitation, street lightening, road repair works, drinking water, maintain birth and death records etc. This accessibility to public allows him capability to mobilize and manipulate public opinion since it is this ward level political worker, who is guide to public about which leader or party is more suited to political and economic interest of the people in the locality and why? As we witness great tumult in the polity (as has already been witnessed at the central level), the interest of political leaders and parties to cultivate these ward level political workers shall grow. It is already being witnessed that such workers are being cultivated by political leaders who want carve a space for themselves in higher echelons of the government. This is because multiple connections levels are now required with voters in this are of hyper-communications where communications via mass media has been challenged by communication via social media with political leaders still evaluating more options to deliver the message successfully and elicit response.

This also is an era of sweeping change. It is now confirmed that it is possible to swing voters decisively towards a specific political grouping through coordinated actions within political establishment at multiple levels, trustworthy facades and symbols, hyperactive communication of performance. Hitherto, the political leader’s perception of voters being a much divided lot, incapable of being organized into arriving at a common decision, no longer holds true. This realization is likely to have an important bearing on the political front. The political parties will be forced to expand the ambit of ‘Leadership’ and are likely to keep a tab on the grassroot workers aspirations by accommodating him at grassroot politics of Local self government in villages and towns. This will help bolster their numbers, give a reality check regards impact of their policies and allow greater number of workers to be accommodated in ‘public office’ so that the same are available to be graduated to next level when required. The parties not in office at state level will also get the opportunity to launch agitation politics to involve local population over issues of concern within localities. An improvement in revenue model for the local self government units including clear defined formulas for revenue sharing with state whereby these can be financially more self sufficient would have been better so that these units can perform basis own merits.
 
The 3 Tier Government and Politics...

In India, we have a three tier government structure Viz. Central Government, the State and the Local self government i.e. Gram Panchyat or Nagr Palika/Panchayat. Each level of government has a defined set of responsibilities and defined sources of revenues i.e. areas where they can levy tax on the populace for the services provided. However, the structure has a bias for top-down since the revenue potential as well as revenue garnered at center is much more and this is then shared with state and there is established mechanism to do so. Similarly, the state shares revenue with the local self government although the mechanism for doing so is still very hazy and varies from state to state.

Due to nature of dependencies, we have meaningful elections being contested at two levels only viz. at the state level and at the center. The smaller parties have often shunned contesting electoral battles for local self government level viz. at Gram Panchayat and Nagarpalika level. The reason being the politicians have near total dependency on higher level of governments and the horizon of action is very limited while local politicians are most exposed to public ire since the local government is responsible for most visible services such as sanitation, street lightening, road repair works, drinking water, maintain birth and death records etc. This accessibility to public allows him capability to mobilize and manipulate public opinion since it is this ward level political worker, who is guide to public about which leader or party is more suited to political and economic interest of the people in the locality and why? As we witness great tumult in the polity (as has already been witnessed at the central level), the interest of political leaders and parties to cultivate these ward level political workers shall grow. It is already being witnessed that such workers are being cultivated by political leaders who want carve a space for themselves in higher echelons of the government. This is because multiple connections levels are now required with voters in this are of hyper-communications where communications via mass media has been challenged by communication via social media with political leaders still evaluating more options to deliver the message successfully and elicit response.

This also is an era of sweeping change. It is now confirmed that it is possible to swing voters decisively towards a specific political grouping through coordinated actions within political establishment at multiple levels, trustworthy facades and symbols, hyperactive communication of performance. Hitherto, the political leader’s perception of voters being a much divided lot, incapable of being organized into arriving at a common decision, no longer holds true. This realization is likely to have an important bearing on the political front. The political parties will be forced to expand the ambit of ‘Leadership’ and are likely to keep a tab on the grassroot workers aspirations by accommodating him at grassroot politics of Local self government in villages and towns. This will help bolster their numbers, give a reality check regards impact of their policies and allow greater number of workers to be accommodated in ‘public office’ so that the same are available to be graduated to next level when required. The parties not in office at state level will also get the opportunity to launch agitation politics to involve local population over issues of concern within localities. An improvement in revenue model for the local self government units including clear defined formulas for revenue sharing with state whereby these can be financially more self sufficient would have been better so that these units can perform basis own merits.
 
Your article presents a compelling examination of India’s three-tiered governance system, highlighting a fundamental imbalance that has long persisted but seldom gets the attention it truly deserves. It’s both timely and provocative—challenging the conventional top-down perception of political relevance and urging a re-evaluation of grassroots politics in a digital era.


Logically, the article pinpoints a core structural flaw: financial dependence and the opacity surrounding revenue-sharing mechanisms between state and local self-governments. This skewed fiscal federalism results in disproportionate political engagement, with local bodies often relegated to administrative afterthoughts. The clarity with which you’ve outlined the revenue imbalances, paired with the state-wise inconsistencies in fiscal distribution, adds depth to your argument. It reminds us that democratic decentralization, as envisioned in the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments, remains largely aspirational unless financial devolution is taken just as seriously.


Practically speaking, your observation that local leaders bear the brunt of public frustration, despite lacking real power, is spot-on. It is indeed ironic that the face of governance—sanitation, roads, water—is the most under-resourced. This disconnect not only demoralizes genuine grassroots workers but also discourages capable individuals from participating in the local democratic process. The fact that smaller political parties neglect local elections reflects their understanding of this systemic irrelevance, making the situation even more circular and dysfunctional.


Your assessment of the evolving political communication landscape, especially with the rise of social media, is equally insightful. In today’s hyper-connected society, the role of ward-level political workers as intermediaries between public sentiment and political leadership cannot be overstated. Their ability to sway public opinion makes them indispensable, especially when narrative control is as important as policy execution. This is where your argument gains a subtle controversial edge—suggesting that grassroots engagement is becoming less about governance and more about influence engineering. While that’s not entirely cynical, it certainly demands a public discourse on what kind of democracy we’re shaping.


Appreciatively, your conclusion offers a constructive pathway. Proposing a clearly defined formula for state-to-local revenue sharing is not just a policy recommendation—it’s a democratic imperative. Empowering local self-governments financially would not only ensure better service delivery but also incentivize genuine political engagement at the grassroots. Moreover, your point that this could serve as a “talent pipeline” for higher-level leadership is refreshingly forward-thinking. A functioning democracy should not only represent its people but also cultivate capable leadership from within its ranks—not merely parachute candidates from top political families or centralized party command.


However, a bolder suggestion might be to mandate a minimum percentage of state revenue that must be passed down to Panchayati Raj Institutions and urban local bodies, along with strict auditing. Until then, grassroots governance will remain structurally handicapped and politically undervalued, regardless of its performative importance during election rallies.


Thank you for sparking this critical conversation—one that bridges political theory, democratic ideals, and the messy but necessary reality of governance on the ground.




#Hashtags:
#LocalGovernance #FiscalFederalism #DemocraticDecentralization #GrassrootsPolitics #UrbanLocalBodies #PanchayatiRaj #RevenueSharing #PoliticalReform #IndiaPolitics #DigitalDemocracy
 

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