Description
This paper aims to examine how Malta seeks to reposition itself as a ‘‘cultural heritage’’
tourist destination. After pursuing an expansion in its tourist industry in the 1970s, by the 1990s a sense
of crisis prevails, due to the realization that irreversible environmental degradation is damaging the
islands with regard to both the cultural heritage and ecological environment. This case study of Malta
focuses on the conditions that prompt a policy of environmental intervention. The paper shows how a
policy of change results from three main factors: pressures brought from various stakeholders, the
availability of funding, and a sense that failure to act will have serious detrimental consequences
International Journal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research
Repositioning Malta as a cultural heritage destination
Emilio Foxell Aloisia de Trafford
Article information:
To cite this document:
Emilio Foxell Aloisia de Trafford, (2010),"Repositioning Malta as a cultural heritage destination", International J ournal of Culture, Tourism
and Hospitality Research, Vol. 4 Iss 2 pp. 156 - 168
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Leanne Fullerton, Kathleen McGettigan, Simon Stephens, (2010),"Integrating management and marketing strategies at heritage sites",
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Fredrick M. Collison, Daniel L. Spears, (2010),"Marketing cultural and heritage tourism: the Marshall Islands", International J ournal of
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Keith G. Brown, J enny Cave, (2010),"Island tourism: marketing culture and heritage – editorial introduction to the special issue",
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Repositioning Malta as a cultural heritage
destination
Emilio Foxell and Aloisia de Trafford
Abstract
Purpose – This paper aims to examine how Malta seeks to reposition itself as a ‘‘cultural heritage’’
tourist destination. After pursuing an expansion in its tourist industry in the 1970s, by the 1990s a sense
of crisis prevails, due to the realization that irreversible environmental degradation is damaging the
islands with regard to both the cultural heritage and ecological environment. This case study of Malta
focuses on the conditions that prompt a policy of environmental intervention. The paper shows how a
policy of change results from three main factors: pressures brought from various stakeholders, the
availability of funding, and a sense that failure to act will have serious detrimental consequences.
Design/methodology/approach – The paper gives an account of recent historical background to
explain the case of Malta’s tourism. Governmental policy documents, press articles, promotional tourist
literature, interviews with experts, and relevant stakeholders in the cultural and educational sphere form
the basis for the authors’ interpretation.
Findings – Governmental policy of investment in the environment is subject to resistance to change due
to inertia, the costs of intervention and opposition fromentrenched business interests. The role of opinion
leaders, pressure groups and of volunteer-run environmental NGOs is critical in exerting pressure on the
government to adopt a policy of intervention to safeguard the environment and heritage as well as
providing expertise and constituting agencies to whom the government can entrust the implementation
of environmental projects.
Originality/value – The case of Malta as a small nation state offers indications that are not easily
transferable but which shows the role of different stakeholders in the implementation of a policy of
change.
Keywords Culture, Heritage, Archaeology, Marketing, Tourism, Malta
Paper type Research paper
Introduction
People going through Malta International Airport’s arrival lounge can see displays of
large-scale replicas of some of Malta’s archaeological monuments as well as other more
familiar historical representations such as those of the Knights of Malta (Figure 1). For
tourists, this view is a sign that they are now in a country of history and archeology: a cultural
heritage destination. Yet, this situation is a more recent change in policy. Malta’s shift in
emphasis away from being a mass-market destination towards becoming one of cultural
heritage follows decades of mass-market tourism development on the island. This case
study on the repositioning of Malta as a cultural heritage destination outlines the background
history of an expanding mass tourism through the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s. Before 2000
Malta is attracting over a million tourists, more than double the island’s resident population of
400,000 (which ranks Malta as the most densely populated country in Europe) and is
experiencing a condition common to many small islands with relatively low carrying
capacity: a damaging environmental impact of high-density tourism (Briguglio and
Briguglio, 1996, p. 177). Rampant building of imposing tourist facilities, congestion on the
roads and overcrowding on the beaches with resultant environmental degradation, make
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VOL. 4 NO. 2 2010, pp. 156-168, Q Emerald Group Publishing Limited, ISSN 1750-6182 DOI 10.1108/17506181011045226
Emilio Foxell is based at
Universita` LUISS Guido
Carli, Rome, Italy.
Aloisia de Trafford is based
at University College
London, London, UK.
Received April 2009
Revised December 2009
Accepted January 2010
The authors would like to thank
Antony Debono, Fekri Hassan,
Rudolf Ragonesi, and Tim
Shadla-Hall as well as two
anonymous referees for their
comments on an earlier draft of
this article. The authors are also
grateful to the Malta Tourism
Authority’s Research and
Planning Unit for providing
them with Figures 4 and 5. The
authors’ names appear in
alphabetical order and both
have made an equal
contribution to the paper.
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clear that mass tourism growth is no longer sustainable (Boissevain and Theuma, 1998;
Bramwell, 2003). Yet, with well over 25 per cent of the workforce directly or indirectly
employed in tourism (Sultana and Briffa Said, 2008) national productivity remains heavily
dependent on tourism and at the governmental level nobody has an appetite for jettisoning
growth in a major sector of the economy.
This article focuses on the governmental response to pressure groups and NGOs in raising
public awareness and combating environmentally damaging projects. These stakeholders
will be seen as playing a key role in in?uencing the governmental repositioning of tourism
policy away frommass tourismand accepting principles of environmental sustainability, and
carrying out regeneration projects in environment and heritage preservation and
management. Finally, the article discusses future directions in Malta’s cultural tourist
industry with particular attention to the potential way forward in the hospitality sectors and in
the transport sector, both internally and externally by increasing interregional links and
cooperation. The article also points to suggestions relating to the sustainability of tourism
and balancing the interests of attracting more cultural tourists while safeguarding Malta’s
environment.
A brief history of Malta’s tourism development policy
The Republic of Malta is an archipelago consisting of three main islands: Malta, Gozo and
Comino. These islands occupy a strategic position in the central Mediterranean (90 kmsouth
of Italy, 290kmnorth of Libya and 355 kmEast of Tunisia). Despite its small size (316 sq. km),
and throughout its history, Malta is home to many of the powers which vie for control of
resources and communications in the Mediterranean, from the Phoenicians and the Romans
to the Byzantines, the Arabs, the Normans, the Knights of St John (known also as the Knights
of Malta), the French and the British. In 1964 Malta gains independence, becoming a
Republic in 1974. Thirty years later, on 1 May 2004, after a close referendum vote, Malta
becomes a member of the EU, adopting the Euro on 1 January 2008.
Despite its proximity to Italy, in the 1960s Malta’s tourism industry is marked by its historical
ties with Britain. Following independence from Britain in 1964, until the late 1970s, its
economy remains linked primarily to British activities. At the end of the 1970s, as Dom
Figure 1 Replica of prehistoric megalithic temples at Malta International Airport
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Mintoff’s government negotiates the departure of the British forces, Malta seeks expansion of
the national economy including its tourism industry. Tourism grows in volume and coastal
areas are developed into resorts, with hotels and facilities catering for this expansion. A
typical holiday consists of a package deal based around a ten-day stay at a hotel near the
sea and a lively nightlife. Maltese tourist brochures use images of sunny beaches to depict a
typical Mediterranean summer holiday destination centering on a sun and sea experience
(Bramwell, 2004). Malta presents itself also as a place of cultural importance. For example, a
1976 brochure speaks of Malta as marked by its prehistoric, ancient and modern history
(National Tourism Organisation Malta, 1976). Yet the appeals are popular-historic, with
references to a beguiling history of foreign rulers and invaders, with particular focus on the
history of the Knights of Malta and of the two sieges (by the Ottomans in 1565 and the Axis
powers in the second world war). Yet, Malta in the 1970s and 1980s leverages only partially
the resources that Richards (1996) notes as pull factors for cultural tourism: unique
architecture and archaeology, museums and galleries, a good calendar of cultural events
such as concerts, festivals and exhibitions, and good hotels and restaurants serving good
local cuisine. This relative complacency can be understood, given that Malta offers the
unique convenience of an English-speaking Mediterranean nation (as well as Maltese,
English is a second of?cial language). This obviates the need on the part of Maltese tourism
authorities to actively seek new markets beyond the apparently dependable British one. Yet
a severe downturn in tourist arrivals in the early 1980s exposes this over-dependence on
British mass-market tourism.
In 1988, in an effort to stimulate a recovery, a newly elected government appoints UK
consultants Horwath & Horwath to work with Maltese experts on the ?rst Malta Tourism
Development Plan. This consulting operation recommends upgrading the infrastructure,
achieving a more heterogeneous tourist market and lengthening the tourist season. While at
this stage the development of cultural tourism is one of the suggested strategies,
repositioning Malta as a destination for cultural tourism is seen as unfeasible given that this
potential segment of the market is small compared to the potential overall mass-tourism
market. Therefore the Development Plan advises that Malta should promote combined
cultural and sun holidays (Horwath and Horwath, 1989). This leads to recommendations for a
marketing-communication strategy focusing particularly on the history of the Knights of Malta
and the development of cultural activities such as festivals and concerts, seeking to leverage
existing appeals but with an increase in emphasis on the heritage and cultural elements.
By the 1990s a change is also occurring in tourism policy with regard to environmental
questions relating to the ecology, preservation of cultural heritage and sustainable
development. Pressure groups, opinion leaders in the media and the emerging NGOs
involved in safeguarding the natural and cultural environment, increasingly constitute
themselves as stakeholders in policy questions and as active agents in opposing or
facilitating policy-driven projects (see Figure 2). In the archaeology-heritage ?eld, a
community and pressure group is also emerging. By the early 1990s, an expanding
Archaeology Department at the University of Malta is not only producing scholarship on
Malta’s archaeological heritage but is also producing graduates who are progressing to
positions at an increasingly in?uential set of cultural institutions such as the Museums
Department. This department is replaced in 2002 through the Cultural Heritage Act by
Heritage Malta, the national agency entrusted with the management of museums, sites and
their collections. Another important institution is the Superintendence for Cultural Heritage
founded to manage excavations, data retrieval and documentation. These repositories of
knowledge about Malta’s archaeology are also increasingly driving opinion on policy issues
relating to Malta’s heritage.
In response to a general change in climate and pressure of stakeholders (Figure 2), an
increased sense of urgency begins to take place in the governmental stance towards
safeguarding Malta’s cultural heritage and natural environment in the early 1990s, as tourism
reached the one million mark in 1992, doubling the number of visitors for 1985. A
Government policy document on Malta’s tourism development entitled Structure Plan
(approved by Parliament in 1992 and enacted in the Development Planning Act) expresses
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a sense of urgency recognizing that, while tourism is a major factor in Malta’s economy and
one that needs support, a change in direction in policy is required due to the potential
damage that tourism can cause, particularly in terms of environmental degradation.
The Structure Plan states that this degradation must be vigorously countered not just
because of the damage itself but also because the very features which attract international
tourists in the ?rst place are being destroyed. The Structure Plan recommends halting future
building work, putting a stop to further arti?cial features on the coastline and allocating
public investment for the regeneration of degraded areas. However, despite this forceful
statement, the implementation throughout the 1990s is delayed and hampered by weak
enforcement mechanisms and continued resistance from entrenched business interests.
Despite the lack of signi?cant progress, an important shift in opinion is occurring which can
be seen in the numerous protests against newly-proposed developments (such as luxury
tourist apartments or hotels) staged by campaigners (environmentalists, NGOs and the
media) such as in the protests against the redevelopment and expansion of the Hilton Hotel
in St Julians (Front Kontra l-Hilton/Movement against the Hilton, 1997; Planning Authority,
1997; Boissevain and Theuma, 1998; Briguglio, 1998; Boissevain and Selwyn, 2004). While
these rarely manage to prevent environmentally-damaging projects from going ahead, the
campaigns are swaying public opinion in favor of environmentalism. Ecological issues in
particular become prominent debating points in discussion fora and in the media, and the
active response amongst the public can be seen in the signatories of petitions and
increased votes for the green party (Alternattiva Demokratika) the latter serving to
encourage the main parties to pay attention to green issues.
EU accession and support for cultural and environmental regeneration
The government’s increased preoccupation with environmental and heritage issues is not
sudden and can be traced to a period in the lead-up to EU accession when campaigners
Figure 2 Stakeholders in Malta’s heritage
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and opinion leaders in the press in particular, argue that accession presents an opportunity
for imposing stricter adherence to laws and guidelines on sustainability. Environmental and
heritage projects are indeed boosted by EU accession in 2004 as funding becomes
available for ecological regeneration, heritage restoration and infrastructure improvements.
A total of e120 million is made available in structural funds to the tourism industry until 2013.
In 2007 Malta uses e12 million in projects that are marked as tourism-related. Much of this
funding is allocated to the restoration of historical and archaeological heritage. In addition,
with EU accession, sustainability guidelines and regulations such as the Environmental
Impact Assessments (EIAs) are enforced as a prerequisite to gaining building permission.
The government in this period also becomes more responsive not just to the opinions of
NGOs, as a result of their prominence as pressure groups, but also to cooperating with them
and allocating projects so as to leverage their expertise and their eligibility to gain EU
funding. These factors lead to the delegation to NGOs of signi?cant restoration and
management responsibilities in the cultural heritage and environmental ?eld. For example,
the management of numerous historical monuments is allocated to Din L-Art Helwa which
now manages several of the coastal towers built by the Knights of Malta, and Fondazzjoni
Wirt Artna which manages sites including Fort Rinella, a unique piece of military architecture
in Grand Harbour, used also as the setting for historical re-enactments and ?rings of a
historic canon. In the ecological sphere too, NGOs are involved in the regeneration and
management of beaches and surrounding coastal environment. For example, The Gaia
Foundation manages two of the most popular beaches on the islands: Ghajn Tuf?eha Bay in
Malta and Ramla Bay in Gozo.
An emphasis on environmental sustainability and heritage protection become part of
mainstreamnational policy and political rhetoric. In an article published in the Times of Malta
on 27 August 2008 (Grech, 2008), the recently appointed Parliamentary Secretary for
Tourism, Dr Mario de Marco, states that the top two policy objectives of Malta Tourism
Authority’s Tourism Policy for the Maltese Islands 2007-11 are to manage tourism on the
principles of sustainable development and to maintain and conserve environmental and
socio-cultural resources. While ostensibly a consensus exists about these key elements of
tourism policy, the practical implementations are still a source of debate and disagreement
due to contending arguments and interests. For example, a proposal supported by local
business interests to turn unspoilt areas of countryside into golf courses, builds on
precedents in other countries and makes claims to being a bene?cial development of Malta’s
scarce land. However, lobbying from the media and pressure groups argue that Malta is
indeed short on land resources and relies on reverse osmosis for much of its water, therefore
a water-greedy facility like a golf course would not be sustainable and would instead be
detrimental to the general environment of islands that have different structural conditions to
those of the precedents that are cited to back the proposal. While the government comes
close to approving a new golf course in 2008, a last minute change of decision sees the
government assigning the area, known as Majjiesa, to be safeguarded as a Nature and
History Park to be managed jointly by three NGOs: Nature Trust Malta, The Gaia Foundation
and Din L-Art Helwa, under the umbrella of the Heritage Parks Federation. The decision and
in particular the move not to prioritize business interests appears symbolic of a shift in power
towards the Environmental constituency.
The repositioning of Malta as a cultural heritage destination
By the 1990s plans are in place to upgrade Malta’s outstanding heritage assets. However,
this requires signi?cant expenditure on the upgrading of museums, restoring and
conserving heritage sites, and constructing visitor centers capable of managing
increasing numbers. The justi?cation and incentive for the allocation of funds builds not
just on the need for safeguard and preservation, but also on the value of heritage in the
context of an expansion in cultural tourism (Ashworth and Tunbridge, 2004, p. 6). The
signi?cance of Malta’s cultural tourism as a proportion of overall tourist ?gures can be
gleaned from the following data. The MTA identi?es ?ve priority segments for Malta’s tourism
development. Four of these are leisure:
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1. Winter and summer sun.
2. History and culture.
3. Diving and other sports.
4. English language learning.
A further one is business, mainly in the form of conference and incentive travel (Sultana and
Briffa Said, 2008). In 2007, leisure accounted for 92 percent of inbound tourism. By far the
largest segment is winter and summer sun (mass tourism), accounting for 821,000 arrivals,
that is, 72 percent of the leisure segment. However, history and culture (cultural/heritage
tourism) at 158,000 arrivals, is the next largest and expanding segment, accounting for 13
percent of the total leisure segment, almost equal to the combined total of the other two
segments (diving and sports, and English language learning). Figure 3 shows MTA’s tourism
?gures from the main source destinations in 2008, while Figure 4 is a comparison carried out
by MTA between 2007 and 2008 in?ows, showing growth in tourismmainly fromEUcountries
in all segments, including cultural tourism.
Accession to the EU provides the necessary boost to these investment plans which can now
be realized on a larger scale than could otherwise be envisaged, due to a wide range of EU
funding programs supporting the revalorization and restoration of culture and heritage.
Signi?cant funding goes towards the restoration of the prehistoric monuments, roo?ess
structures which need protection from storms and ?oods, a cause of serious damage in
recent years. The investment in protective structures is designed also to pre-empt the need
for potentially more critical restoration in the future. For example, the Tarxien prehistoric
temples in the harbor area, which contain unique animal and spiral wall-decorations, are
being upgraded with the construction of a walkway and a shelter. Protective shelters for the
monuments and a visitor center are also being constructed for the two neighboring
prehistoric temples of Hag? ar Qim and Mnajdra. The restoration of these temples is an
example of the integration of cultural and natural heritage elements as they will be enclosed
within a heritage park that includes the surrounding natural seascape (Grima, 1998). The
visitor center will not be designed solely for cultural tourism but will also include a ?rst in
Maltese cultural heritage venues: an educational center aimed also at school children. The
importance of making the local community feel that they are stakeholders in their country’s
archaeological heritage is central to these plans.
An unfortunate episode shook the academic and archaeological community and focused
attention on the need not just for protection but also for education in relation to heritage sites,
and also the need to make all members of society feel they are stakeholders in these national
treasures. In 2000 vandals in?ict damage on the Mnajdra temple when some megaliths,
weighing several tonnes are dislodged; several years earlier, they daub paint over this site
and a number of others sites. Theuma and Grima (2006) see an underlying explanation in the
Figure 3 Tourists visiting Malta, January to December 2008
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failure of the relevant authorities to divulge knowledge and management plans about usage
of the sites with local residents resulting in tensions about land rights. Bianchi (2003) argues
that local land users may feel their own traditions and use of the land are threatened with
sites that are literally encroaching on their territory and which are perceived as being taken
over solely for the bene?t of tourism. In the case of prehistoric archaeology, an apparent
disconnect becomes evident, or at least a lack of a sense of identi?cation, with these
elements of Maltese cultural heritage. Given their cultural remoteness, outside the
archaeological community, the temples are typically not understood and, importantly, not
always perceived as part of the Maltese cultural capital, let alone identity. By contrast, other
elements of history and heritage and identity, particularly those tied to the Maltese resistance
to the Sieges, are strong elements of a collective sense of identity.
The previous absence of suf?cient elements relating to Maltese archaeology in school
programs is now being recti?ed and other initiatives to favor engagement with the
archaeological heritage are also being introduced. For example, the visitor center also
constitutes an element in this process that aims to present these cultural artifacts as part of a
living landscape showing the uses of the sites through time. This constitutes a process of
acculturation and of promoting identi?cation assimilation and a sense of custodianship of the
Maltese prehistoric heritage. As Renwick (2005) argues, World Heritage is perhaps
something for which everyone can feel a sense of custodianship.
Further recommendations for Malta’s repositioning as a cultural heritage destination
The previous sections highlight how the government and NGOs make considerable
advances in improving environmental policy, restoring heritage sites and generally
restructuring the tourism offering while seeking greater sustainability for the island. Plans
and structures now in place succeed in dealing with many of the challenges facing Malta
now and in the future. The following sections discuss some of the limitations of attracting
cultural tourismand the proposition that, at least in the short to mediumterm, cultural tourism
can supplement but cannot adequately replace mass tourism. The article will then outline
Figure 4 Percentage change of tourists visiting Malta, January to December 2008 over
2007
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some further steps that need to be taken in the private sector, particularly hospitality
provision, so as to create a more appealing cultural heritage destination. Recommendations
will also be made relating to Malta’s internal transport system (connecting cultural sites and
resorts) and external transport links in ways that aim to exploit the potential to receive
increased numbers of cultural tourists.
Limitation in attracting cultural tourists
Many people who already visit Malta ?t the pro?le Richards (1996) identi?es as tourists who
primarily take seaside holidays but also appreciate being able to spend the odd day visiting
heritage sites and attending cultural events. Yet Richards (1996) identi?es also other types of
cultural tourists: a minority, who are culturally motivated, want culture as their focus and will
hire guides to learn about the sites. A repositioning to appeal to this tourist type is more
problematic, designed to address the problem of seasonality by attracting visitors who
would hypothetically be coming to Malta for a cultural holiday and not a seaside holiday. In
fact heritage sites and cultural events are more likely to appeal to what Richards (1996) sees
as opportunistic cultural tourists who are inspired by culture and who are attracted by
cultural themes such as festivals and concerts and historically famous places. Briguglio and
Briguglio (1996, p. 174) caution that while Malta’s rich cultural heritage gives the island
signi?cant potential as a cultural destination, such tourismshould be seen as supplementing
rather than replacing mass tourism because exclusive dependence on cultural tourism
would not be viable for Malta economically, at least in the short to mediumterm. Worth noting
in this debate, is how some argue that cultural tourism is not an entirely more sustainable
type of tourism than seaside mass tourism (see Markwick, 1999).
Another limitation of cultural tourism is one raised by Ashworth (2005) who points out how
strictly cultural tourism does not generate much return (or repeat) tourism, and one should
bear in mind that, out of Malta’s current tourist in?ows, almost half are return visitors. Thus,
possibly Malta’s best option is to take pre-emptive measures to reduce environmental
degradation of mass tourism, while at the same time reaping its economic bene?ts (Briguglio
and Briguglio, 1996, p. 174). In addition, cultural tourism is no easy option, being an
expanding and competitive market in which the current cultural-tourism provision in Europe
is beginning to outstrip demand (Richards, 1995; Metaxas, 2007). Similarly, Ashworth (2005)
notes how many of the Mediterranean destinations are currently competing for the same
market in working to increase their heritage element. Despite these reservations and
potential constraints in pursuing Malta’s repositioning as a cultural heritage destination, the
bene?ts accrue to all people visiting Malta and play a part in creating positive word-of-mouth
effects and repeat purchase of holidays.
Hospitality infrastructure
Mass tourism causes particular pressure on the coastline, in terms of overcrowding of
beaches and from the construction of hotels in the main coastal areas. The majority of tourist
accommodation, which ranges fromlower-middle price ranges to luxury conference hotels, is
located in the seaside resorts of Bug? ibba, Qawra, Mellieha, Sliema, St Julians, and Paceville.
In order to take pressure off the coast, and to increase hospitality provision in traditional and
historical buildings that may be more attractive for the purposes of cultural heritage tourism,
the use of inland locations and the capital would constitute a potential solution.
Valletta is a historic city and one of few cities worldwide boasting UNESCO World Heritage
status. While recently undergoing signi?cant building renovation, this is mainly the result of
some recent yuppi?cation of the city and speculation on residential real estate to meet this
new demand. With the exception of the 5-star Phoenicia Hotel, just outside Valletta’s walls,
itself dating back only to the late 1930s, the historic buildings are not typically used as hotels.
Although Valletta has several lower-category hotels, the potential for increasing Valletta’s
tourist accommodation capacity and turning the city into a residential hub for cultural tourists
is clear. At present, few tourists currently spend more than one day in the capital (Theuma,
2004) when the potential exists for the city to play a central role in attracting more, which
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would not overburden the city as in the evening a large number of people who work in the city
leave as they live elsewhere.
The potential also exists for similar environmentally-sensitive plans to be operated in other
inland locations. At present only a few historic hotels are located inland (e.g. the Corinthia
Palace Hotel in Attard and the Xara Palace in Mdina, a historic palazzo converted into a
hotel). Encouraging an expansion of inland hospitality in all categories may further relieve
pressure on the coast. As well as hotels there are also high quality restaurants located in
historic venues, a preeminent example being at Palazzo Parisio in Naxxar (see Figure 5).
Yet, thegovernment continues tofavor thegrantingof planningpermissionfor imposing5-star
purpose-built international franchise establishments ostensibly because of the premium
visitors they attract. While these hotels are successful in attracting an increasing volume of
conference and incentive tourism, they are often not the ?rst choice for cultural tourists who,
while being more discerning, are not necessarily higher spenders (see also Ashworth and
Tunbridge, 2004, pp. 9-10; Mitchell, 1996, p. 207). In fact, tourists who are preparedto pay for
cultural tours andrelatedcultural activities often prefer to stay in less environmentally intrusive
3 or 4 star hotels with local character or 5 star ones in historic buildings.
Seeking to exploit the internal resources of the island and drawing tourists inland away from
a congested coast is a structural solution that seeks to address the problem of
environmental overload on facilities and the degradation of the environment. Such a solution
requires, however, also the involvement of single hotels to be sensitized and involved in the
issues and objectives of sustainability and its perceived value. An example of initiatives
using incentives to reposition hotels towards these aims, is Malta Tourism Authority’s recent
introduction of an eco-label/certi?cate for hotels that implement sustainable practices,
Figure 5 Gilded ballroom of mirrors at Palazzo Parisio
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mirroring similar efforts in other Mediterranean countries such as Greece (see
Chatziathanassiou et al., 2004). With eco-credentials sought only by a small segment of
tourists, themselves probably involved in environmental issues, encountering a consistent
commitment and environmental sensitivity in the main infrastructures and activities within the
island is important. Other practices may appear to invalidate the efforts in the sectors
committed to environmental safeguarding. More critically, negative practices can have a
disproportionately negative effect on the perception of the overall positioning of the island on
these questions as well as on the sustainability of tourism. Therefore, while governmental
action through the government heritage agencies and NGOs can operate directly in certain
public areas such as parts of the coastline and heritage sites, the involvement of the private
sector in areas such as hospitality (hotels, etc.) and transport in particular, are less amenable
to a top-down policy implementation and require action to sensitize the issues of incentives
to encourage action.
The sustainability of Malta’s tourism industry
The drive for creating a more sustainable tourismindustry in Malta re?ects a growingtrendfor
sustainability worldwide followingthe UNEarth Summit in Rio de Janeiroin 1992 that ledto the
creation of a blueprint for action to achieve sustainable development worldwide. Recent
tourism literature re?ects these goals (Smith and Eadington, 1992; Hall and Lew, 1998;
Ionnides et al., 2001; Bramwell, 2004). Aquilina (2004) recommends that Malta needs to carry
out institutional capacity-building so as to meet the challenges of achieving sustainable
development, including strengthening of the role of NGOs and enforcing a national strategic
plan for sustainable development (see also Dodds, 2007). The Blue Plan makes a number of
recommendations to improve governance for sustainable tourismby giving more in?uence to
destination countries in planning their tourist strategy. An economically more sustainable
tourist industry is ultimately oneinwhichthetourist destination has morecontrol, particularly in
terms of typology, volume, and seasonality. This con?guration would also diminish the
dominant power of foreign tour operators whose bargaining power can dictate tourism
patterns (see also Briguglio and Briguglio, 1996, pp. 163-164; Nowicka, 2007).
Improving Malta’s transport system for cultural tourists and for the Island’s sustainability
Thesuccess of cultural tourismis dependent onimprovements to Malta’s transport network so
as to give tourists easier access to Malta’s cultural sites (see Ashworth and Tunbridge, 2004,
p. 24) and at the same time is integral to the island’s sustainability. The Maltese bus system
offers an effective and socially-responsible service between towns and villages, but does not
as yet cater suf?ciently for tourist resorts andcultural sites (Robbins, 1996) encouragingmany
tourists to less sustainable travel in rental cars or taxis. Recently, however, positive moves are
evident in terms of environmental sustainability in tourism transport that can be seen in the
introduction of open-air bus tours in some areas, a model steam-train route aroundthe sites of
Rabat, Mdina and Mtarfa and an electric taxi service in Valletta.
Developing cultural heritage tourism networks within Europe and the Mediterranean
Being a small island in the middle of the Mediterranean, the world’s most popular regional
tourist destination (with a plethora of famous resorts and cultural sites) presents both pros
and cons for Malta. Like many historic European cities, for example the Italian citta` d’Arte
such as Lucca or Urbino, Valletta and also Mdina, a medieval walled hill-top city, largely
rebuilt in Baroque style following an earthquake, could each be positioned as cultural
venues in their own right. This positioning would enable themto link to Europe-wide networks
and gain exposure to a cultural tourism market. This could be supported via European
projects such as the Art Cities of Europe Pilot Project an initiative consisting of a network of
42 cities with the common objective of strengthening a symbiosis between cultural heritage
and tourism. Malta also stands to gain from increased cultural tourism through better links
with its southern neighbors as well as with other Mediterranean islands, also rich in cultural
heritage. Competition is increasing in the MENA (Middle East and North Africa) region that is
increasingly targeting the European and Asian markets. Cultural tourism is one of the fastest
expanding segments of tourism globally and the countries of this region have high growth
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potential, with tourism increasing in the area by 9.5 percent between 2000 and 2004, the
fastest growth rate of any region worldwide (de Trafford et al., 2008). Malta’s vicinity to such
culturally-rich regions also offers opportunities. Yet the development of an actual strategy
seems necessary to structure more interregional mobility and to build stronger regional
cooperation in the Mediterranean tourist industry. The Barcelona Process, also referred to as
the Euro-Mediterranean partnership recommends this policy. This EU policy towards
Mediterranean countries encourages closer regional ties to promote peace and stability and
foster prosperity. The Blue Plan forms part of the Mediterranean Action Plan, established
under the aegis of the United Nations Environment Programme with a mandate to help
governments of all Mediterranean coastal states to ensure sustainable socio-economic
development without environmental degradation. One of its recommendations is also to
raise more awareness of activities at a regional level, in tourist destinations as well as in
source countries. Networking using these and other structures also offers opportunities for
pairing cultural destinations across national boundaries but within the close regional area,
for example Malta with other Mediterranean islands such as Sicily and Rhodes, and also
locations in Tunisia and Egypt.
Conclusion
The case of the Maltese islands shows the repositioning of tourism policy as resulting from a
series of factors: the longstanding work and pressure by environmental and heritage NGOs,
the in?uence of opinion leaders (primarily in the press), environmental activists and (green)
political campaigners, a change in public opinion, and the increased availability of support
from international organizations. These factors coincide with crisis logic: the realization
amongst policy makers that action for regeneration of an environmental type (both in terms
of ecological and heritage) is necessary now given that the cost of non-intervention is
greater than intervention.
The sense of crisis that seems a necessary condition for favoring the implementation of a
policy of change may be a general tendency in political action. Yet the evolution of a crisis
situation has a particular poignancy for the case of a small island where the territory is
limited. In the case of Malta, the damaging environmental impacts from overexploitation of
the coast for commercial purposes affect the whole population. The environmental
degradation is visible to all as the whole territory is accessible potentially by all members of
the population. Yet even when a general consensus exists about a crisis situation, this does
not necessarily lead to a policy of change. Pressures for change, the know-how and
resources must be available to implement a change in policy. In the case of Malta, this article
highlights how certain institutions, environmental NGOs and the archaeological community
constituted both pressure groups and repositories of knowledge capable of carrying out
regeneration and restoration projects. In fact these constituencies often lobbied to carry out
the projects resulting in the government delegating to NGOs signi?cant restoration and
management responsibilities in the cultural heritage and environmental ?eld.
This article also discusses how in other sectors, such as the hospitality sector, similar
operations are lagging behind, understandably given the dif?culty in coordinating or
imposing policy on a series of private companies as compared to the publicly owned
territory and coastline. Therefore, the repositioning of Malta as a heritage destination is far
from complete and requires action to increase its sustainability, particularly in the areas of
hospitality and the internal transport system. Potentially, some of the mechanisms and
resources in terms of stakeholder involvement and know-how identi?ed in this paper, that
enabled the implementation of a policy of regeneration in the environment and heritage
sectors, may also be successfully deployed in these other sectors.
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tourism and development’’, URSI Report 304, Urban and Regional Studies Institute, University of
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Chatziathanassiou, A., Mavrogiorgos, D. and Sioulas, K. (2004), ‘‘Environmental initiatives in the hotel
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de Trafford, A., Hassan, F.A. and Youssef, M. (Eds) (2008), Cultural Heritage and Development in the
Arab World, Bibliotheca Alexandrina, Egypt.
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our report of 23rd March 1997 regarding planning permission given to the Spinola Development Co. Ltd
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14 September.
Grima, R. (1998), ‘‘Ritual Spaces, contested places: the case of the Maltese prehistoric temple sites’’,
Journal of Mediterranean Studies, Vol. 8, pp. 33-45.
Hall, C.M. and Lew, A. (Eds) (1998), Sustainable Tourism: a Geographical Perspective, Longman,
Harlow.
Horwath and Horwath (1989), Maltese Islands Tourism Development Plan, Horwath and Horwath,
London.
Ionnides, D., Apostolopoulos, Y. and Sonmez, S. (Eds) (2001), Mediterranean Islands and Sustainable
Tourism Development: Practice, Management and Policies, Continuum, London.
Markwick, M. (1999), ‘‘Malta’s tourism industry since 1985: diversi?cation, cultural tourism and
sustainability’’, Scottish Geographical Journal, Vol. 115 No. 3, pp. 227-47.
Metaxas, T. (2007), ‘‘Place marketing, strategic planning and competitiveness: the case of Malta’’,
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Planning Authority (1997), ‘‘Hilton Redevelopment Project: response to report by Front Kontra l-Hilton’’,
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Renwick, E. (2005), ‘‘World Heritage Site Management: protecting a site in its landscape, a Maltese case
study’’, paper presented at the Forum UNESCO University and Heritage 10th International Seminar
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Robbins, D. (1996), ‘‘A sustainable transport policy for tourism on small islands: a case study of Malta’’,
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An Integration of Of?cial Tourism Statistics with Visitor and Trade Research, Malta Tourism Authority,
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Further reading
Boissevain, J. (1996), ‘‘But we live here!: perceptions on cultural tourism in Malta’’, in Briguglio, L.,
Butler, R., Harrison, D. and Leal Filho, W. (Eds), Sustainable Tourism in Islands and Small States:
Case Studies, Pinter, London, pp. 220-40.
Boissevain, J. (2006), ‘‘Coping with mass cultural tourism: structure and strategies’’, Gazeto Internacia
de Antropologio, Vol. 1 No. 1, pp. 2-11.
Boissevain, J. and Serracino Inglott, P. (1979), ‘‘Tourism in Malta’’, in de Kadt, E. (Ed.), Tourism –
Passport to Development?, Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp. 265-84.
de Marco, M. (2008), ‘‘Talking point called our tourism environment’’, The Times of Malta, 27 August.
Farsari, Y. and Prastacos, P. (2001), ‘‘Towards a framework for establishing policy goals for sustainable
tourism in Mediterranean popular destinations’’, in Ionnides, D., Apostolopoulos, Y. and Sonmez, S.
(Eds), Mediterranean Islands and Sustainable Tourism Development: Practice, Management and
Policies, Continuum, London.
Malta Tourism Authority (2006), Tourism Policy for the Maltese Islands (2007-2011), Government of
Malta, Valletta.
Corresponding author
Emilio Foxell can be contacted at: [email protected]
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This article has been cited by:
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doc_877055217.pdf
This paper aims to examine how Malta seeks to reposition itself as a ‘‘cultural heritage’’
tourist destination. After pursuing an expansion in its tourist industry in the 1970s, by the 1990s a sense
of crisis prevails, due to the realization that irreversible environmental degradation is damaging the
islands with regard to both the cultural heritage and ecological environment. This case study of Malta
focuses on the conditions that prompt a policy of environmental intervention. The paper shows how a
policy of change results from three main factors: pressures brought from various stakeholders, the
availability of funding, and a sense that failure to act will have serious detrimental consequences
International Journal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research
Repositioning Malta as a cultural heritage destination
Emilio Foxell Aloisia de Trafford
Article information:
To cite this document:
Emilio Foxell Aloisia de Trafford, (2010),"Repositioning Malta as a cultural heritage destination", International J ournal of Culture, Tourism
and Hospitality Research, Vol. 4 Iss 2 pp. 156 - 168
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Repositioning Malta as a cultural heritage
destination
Emilio Foxell and Aloisia de Trafford
Abstract
Purpose – This paper aims to examine how Malta seeks to reposition itself as a ‘‘cultural heritage’’
tourist destination. After pursuing an expansion in its tourist industry in the 1970s, by the 1990s a sense
of crisis prevails, due to the realization that irreversible environmental degradation is damaging the
islands with regard to both the cultural heritage and ecological environment. This case study of Malta
focuses on the conditions that prompt a policy of environmental intervention. The paper shows how a
policy of change results from three main factors: pressures brought from various stakeholders, the
availability of funding, and a sense that failure to act will have serious detrimental consequences.
Design/methodology/approach – The paper gives an account of recent historical background to
explain the case of Malta’s tourism. Governmental policy documents, press articles, promotional tourist
literature, interviews with experts, and relevant stakeholders in the cultural and educational sphere form
the basis for the authors’ interpretation.
Findings – Governmental policy of investment in the environment is subject to resistance to change due
to inertia, the costs of intervention and opposition fromentrenched business interests. The role of opinion
leaders, pressure groups and of volunteer-run environmental NGOs is critical in exerting pressure on the
government to adopt a policy of intervention to safeguard the environment and heritage as well as
providing expertise and constituting agencies to whom the government can entrust the implementation
of environmental projects.
Originality/value – The case of Malta as a small nation state offers indications that are not easily
transferable but which shows the role of different stakeholders in the implementation of a policy of
change.
Keywords Culture, Heritage, Archaeology, Marketing, Tourism, Malta
Paper type Research paper
Introduction
People going through Malta International Airport’s arrival lounge can see displays of
large-scale replicas of some of Malta’s archaeological monuments as well as other more
familiar historical representations such as those of the Knights of Malta (Figure 1). For
tourists, this view is a sign that they are now in a country of history and archeology: a cultural
heritage destination. Yet, this situation is a more recent change in policy. Malta’s shift in
emphasis away from being a mass-market destination towards becoming one of cultural
heritage follows decades of mass-market tourism development on the island. This case
study on the repositioning of Malta as a cultural heritage destination outlines the background
history of an expanding mass tourism through the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s. Before 2000
Malta is attracting over a million tourists, more than double the island’s resident population of
400,000 (which ranks Malta as the most densely populated country in Europe) and is
experiencing a condition common to many small islands with relatively low carrying
capacity: a damaging environmental impact of high-density tourism (Briguglio and
Briguglio, 1996, p. 177). Rampant building of imposing tourist facilities, congestion on the
roads and overcrowding on the beaches with resultant environmental degradation, make
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VOL. 4 NO. 2 2010, pp. 156-168, Q Emerald Group Publishing Limited, ISSN 1750-6182 DOI 10.1108/17506181011045226
Emilio Foxell is based at
Universita` LUISS Guido
Carli, Rome, Italy.
Aloisia de Trafford is based
at University College
London, London, UK.
Received April 2009
Revised December 2009
Accepted January 2010
The authors would like to thank
Antony Debono, Fekri Hassan,
Rudolf Ragonesi, and Tim
Shadla-Hall as well as two
anonymous referees for their
comments on an earlier draft of
this article. The authors are also
grateful to the Malta Tourism
Authority’s Research and
Planning Unit for providing
them with Figures 4 and 5. The
authors’ names appear in
alphabetical order and both
have made an equal
contribution to the paper.
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clear that mass tourism growth is no longer sustainable (Boissevain and Theuma, 1998;
Bramwell, 2003). Yet, with well over 25 per cent of the workforce directly or indirectly
employed in tourism (Sultana and Briffa Said, 2008) national productivity remains heavily
dependent on tourism and at the governmental level nobody has an appetite for jettisoning
growth in a major sector of the economy.
This article focuses on the governmental response to pressure groups and NGOs in raising
public awareness and combating environmentally damaging projects. These stakeholders
will be seen as playing a key role in in?uencing the governmental repositioning of tourism
policy away frommass tourismand accepting principles of environmental sustainability, and
carrying out regeneration projects in environment and heritage preservation and
management. Finally, the article discusses future directions in Malta’s cultural tourist
industry with particular attention to the potential way forward in the hospitality sectors and in
the transport sector, both internally and externally by increasing interregional links and
cooperation. The article also points to suggestions relating to the sustainability of tourism
and balancing the interests of attracting more cultural tourists while safeguarding Malta’s
environment.
A brief history of Malta’s tourism development policy
The Republic of Malta is an archipelago consisting of three main islands: Malta, Gozo and
Comino. These islands occupy a strategic position in the central Mediterranean (90 kmsouth
of Italy, 290kmnorth of Libya and 355 kmEast of Tunisia). Despite its small size (316 sq. km),
and throughout its history, Malta is home to many of the powers which vie for control of
resources and communications in the Mediterranean, from the Phoenicians and the Romans
to the Byzantines, the Arabs, the Normans, the Knights of St John (known also as the Knights
of Malta), the French and the British. In 1964 Malta gains independence, becoming a
Republic in 1974. Thirty years later, on 1 May 2004, after a close referendum vote, Malta
becomes a member of the EU, adopting the Euro on 1 January 2008.
Despite its proximity to Italy, in the 1960s Malta’s tourism industry is marked by its historical
ties with Britain. Following independence from Britain in 1964, until the late 1970s, its
economy remains linked primarily to British activities. At the end of the 1970s, as Dom
Figure 1 Replica of prehistoric megalithic temples at Malta International Airport
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Mintoff’s government negotiates the departure of the British forces, Malta seeks expansion of
the national economy including its tourism industry. Tourism grows in volume and coastal
areas are developed into resorts, with hotels and facilities catering for this expansion. A
typical holiday consists of a package deal based around a ten-day stay at a hotel near the
sea and a lively nightlife. Maltese tourist brochures use images of sunny beaches to depict a
typical Mediterranean summer holiday destination centering on a sun and sea experience
(Bramwell, 2004). Malta presents itself also as a place of cultural importance. For example, a
1976 brochure speaks of Malta as marked by its prehistoric, ancient and modern history
(National Tourism Organisation Malta, 1976). Yet the appeals are popular-historic, with
references to a beguiling history of foreign rulers and invaders, with particular focus on the
history of the Knights of Malta and of the two sieges (by the Ottomans in 1565 and the Axis
powers in the second world war). Yet, Malta in the 1970s and 1980s leverages only partially
the resources that Richards (1996) notes as pull factors for cultural tourism: unique
architecture and archaeology, museums and galleries, a good calendar of cultural events
such as concerts, festivals and exhibitions, and good hotels and restaurants serving good
local cuisine. This relative complacency can be understood, given that Malta offers the
unique convenience of an English-speaking Mediterranean nation (as well as Maltese,
English is a second of?cial language). This obviates the need on the part of Maltese tourism
authorities to actively seek new markets beyond the apparently dependable British one. Yet
a severe downturn in tourist arrivals in the early 1980s exposes this over-dependence on
British mass-market tourism.
In 1988, in an effort to stimulate a recovery, a newly elected government appoints UK
consultants Horwath & Horwath to work with Maltese experts on the ?rst Malta Tourism
Development Plan. This consulting operation recommends upgrading the infrastructure,
achieving a more heterogeneous tourist market and lengthening the tourist season. While at
this stage the development of cultural tourism is one of the suggested strategies,
repositioning Malta as a destination for cultural tourism is seen as unfeasible given that this
potential segment of the market is small compared to the potential overall mass-tourism
market. Therefore the Development Plan advises that Malta should promote combined
cultural and sun holidays (Horwath and Horwath, 1989). This leads to recommendations for a
marketing-communication strategy focusing particularly on the history of the Knights of Malta
and the development of cultural activities such as festivals and concerts, seeking to leverage
existing appeals but with an increase in emphasis on the heritage and cultural elements.
By the 1990s a change is also occurring in tourism policy with regard to environmental
questions relating to the ecology, preservation of cultural heritage and sustainable
development. Pressure groups, opinion leaders in the media and the emerging NGOs
involved in safeguarding the natural and cultural environment, increasingly constitute
themselves as stakeholders in policy questions and as active agents in opposing or
facilitating policy-driven projects (see Figure 2). In the archaeology-heritage ?eld, a
community and pressure group is also emerging. By the early 1990s, an expanding
Archaeology Department at the University of Malta is not only producing scholarship on
Malta’s archaeological heritage but is also producing graduates who are progressing to
positions at an increasingly in?uential set of cultural institutions such as the Museums
Department. This department is replaced in 2002 through the Cultural Heritage Act by
Heritage Malta, the national agency entrusted with the management of museums, sites and
their collections. Another important institution is the Superintendence for Cultural Heritage
founded to manage excavations, data retrieval and documentation. These repositories of
knowledge about Malta’s archaeology are also increasingly driving opinion on policy issues
relating to Malta’s heritage.
In response to a general change in climate and pressure of stakeholders (Figure 2), an
increased sense of urgency begins to take place in the governmental stance towards
safeguarding Malta’s cultural heritage and natural environment in the early 1990s, as tourism
reached the one million mark in 1992, doubling the number of visitors for 1985. A
Government policy document on Malta’s tourism development entitled Structure Plan
(approved by Parliament in 1992 and enacted in the Development Planning Act) expresses
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a sense of urgency recognizing that, while tourism is a major factor in Malta’s economy and
one that needs support, a change in direction in policy is required due to the potential
damage that tourism can cause, particularly in terms of environmental degradation.
The Structure Plan states that this degradation must be vigorously countered not just
because of the damage itself but also because the very features which attract international
tourists in the ?rst place are being destroyed. The Structure Plan recommends halting future
building work, putting a stop to further arti?cial features on the coastline and allocating
public investment for the regeneration of degraded areas. However, despite this forceful
statement, the implementation throughout the 1990s is delayed and hampered by weak
enforcement mechanisms and continued resistance from entrenched business interests.
Despite the lack of signi?cant progress, an important shift in opinion is occurring which can
be seen in the numerous protests against newly-proposed developments (such as luxury
tourist apartments or hotels) staged by campaigners (environmentalists, NGOs and the
media) such as in the protests against the redevelopment and expansion of the Hilton Hotel
in St Julians (Front Kontra l-Hilton/Movement against the Hilton, 1997; Planning Authority,
1997; Boissevain and Theuma, 1998; Briguglio, 1998; Boissevain and Selwyn, 2004). While
these rarely manage to prevent environmentally-damaging projects from going ahead, the
campaigns are swaying public opinion in favor of environmentalism. Ecological issues in
particular become prominent debating points in discussion fora and in the media, and the
active response amongst the public can be seen in the signatories of petitions and
increased votes for the green party (Alternattiva Demokratika) the latter serving to
encourage the main parties to pay attention to green issues.
EU accession and support for cultural and environmental regeneration
The government’s increased preoccupation with environmental and heritage issues is not
sudden and can be traced to a period in the lead-up to EU accession when campaigners
Figure 2 Stakeholders in Malta’s heritage
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and opinion leaders in the press in particular, argue that accession presents an opportunity
for imposing stricter adherence to laws and guidelines on sustainability. Environmental and
heritage projects are indeed boosted by EU accession in 2004 as funding becomes
available for ecological regeneration, heritage restoration and infrastructure improvements.
A total of e120 million is made available in structural funds to the tourism industry until 2013.
In 2007 Malta uses e12 million in projects that are marked as tourism-related. Much of this
funding is allocated to the restoration of historical and archaeological heritage. In addition,
with EU accession, sustainability guidelines and regulations such as the Environmental
Impact Assessments (EIAs) are enforced as a prerequisite to gaining building permission.
The government in this period also becomes more responsive not just to the opinions of
NGOs, as a result of their prominence as pressure groups, but also to cooperating with them
and allocating projects so as to leverage their expertise and their eligibility to gain EU
funding. These factors lead to the delegation to NGOs of signi?cant restoration and
management responsibilities in the cultural heritage and environmental ?eld. For example,
the management of numerous historical monuments is allocated to Din L-Art Helwa which
now manages several of the coastal towers built by the Knights of Malta, and Fondazzjoni
Wirt Artna which manages sites including Fort Rinella, a unique piece of military architecture
in Grand Harbour, used also as the setting for historical re-enactments and ?rings of a
historic canon. In the ecological sphere too, NGOs are involved in the regeneration and
management of beaches and surrounding coastal environment. For example, The Gaia
Foundation manages two of the most popular beaches on the islands: Ghajn Tuf?eha Bay in
Malta and Ramla Bay in Gozo.
An emphasis on environmental sustainability and heritage protection become part of
mainstreamnational policy and political rhetoric. In an article published in the Times of Malta
on 27 August 2008 (Grech, 2008), the recently appointed Parliamentary Secretary for
Tourism, Dr Mario de Marco, states that the top two policy objectives of Malta Tourism
Authority’s Tourism Policy for the Maltese Islands 2007-11 are to manage tourism on the
principles of sustainable development and to maintain and conserve environmental and
socio-cultural resources. While ostensibly a consensus exists about these key elements of
tourism policy, the practical implementations are still a source of debate and disagreement
due to contending arguments and interests. For example, a proposal supported by local
business interests to turn unspoilt areas of countryside into golf courses, builds on
precedents in other countries and makes claims to being a bene?cial development of Malta’s
scarce land. However, lobbying from the media and pressure groups argue that Malta is
indeed short on land resources and relies on reverse osmosis for much of its water, therefore
a water-greedy facility like a golf course would not be sustainable and would instead be
detrimental to the general environment of islands that have different structural conditions to
those of the precedents that are cited to back the proposal. While the government comes
close to approving a new golf course in 2008, a last minute change of decision sees the
government assigning the area, known as Majjiesa, to be safeguarded as a Nature and
History Park to be managed jointly by three NGOs: Nature Trust Malta, The Gaia Foundation
and Din L-Art Helwa, under the umbrella of the Heritage Parks Federation. The decision and
in particular the move not to prioritize business interests appears symbolic of a shift in power
towards the Environmental constituency.
The repositioning of Malta as a cultural heritage destination
By the 1990s plans are in place to upgrade Malta’s outstanding heritage assets. However,
this requires signi?cant expenditure on the upgrading of museums, restoring and
conserving heritage sites, and constructing visitor centers capable of managing
increasing numbers. The justi?cation and incentive for the allocation of funds builds not
just on the need for safeguard and preservation, but also on the value of heritage in the
context of an expansion in cultural tourism (Ashworth and Tunbridge, 2004, p. 6). The
signi?cance of Malta’s cultural tourism as a proportion of overall tourist ?gures can be
gleaned from the following data. The MTA identi?es ?ve priority segments for Malta’s tourism
development. Four of these are leisure:
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1. Winter and summer sun.
2. History and culture.
3. Diving and other sports.
4. English language learning.
A further one is business, mainly in the form of conference and incentive travel (Sultana and
Briffa Said, 2008). In 2007, leisure accounted for 92 percent of inbound tourism. By far the
largest segment is winter and summer sun (mass tourism), accounting for 821,000 arrivals,
that is, 72 percent of the leisure segment. However, history and culture (cultural/heritage
tourism) at 158,000 arrivals, is the next largest and expanding segment, accounting for 13
percent of the total leisure segment, almost equal to the combined total of the other two
segments (diving and sports, and English language learning). Figure 3 shows MTA’s tourism
?gures from the main source destinations in 2008, while Figure 4 is a comparison carried out
by MTA between 2007 and 2008 in?ows, showing growth in tourismmainly fromEUcountries
in all segments, including cultural tourism.
Accession to the EU provides the necessary boost to these investment plans which can now
be realized on a larger scale than could otherwise be envisaged, due to a wide range of EU
funding programs supporting the revalorization and restoration of culture and heritage.
Signi?cant funding goes towards the restoration of the prehistoric monuments, roo?ess
structures which need protection from storms and ?oods, a cause of serious damage in
recent years. The investment in protective structures is designed also to pre-empt the need
for potentially more critical restoration in the future. For example, the Tarxien prehistoric
temples in the harbor area, which contain unique animal and spiral wall-decorations, are
being upgraded with the construction of a walkway and a shelter. Protective shelters for the
monuments and a visitor center are also being constructed for the two neighboring
prehistoric temples of Hag? ar Qim and Mnajdra. The restoration of these temples is an
example of the integration of cultural and natural heritage elements as they will be enclosed
within a heritage park that includes the surrounding natural seascape (Grima, 1998). The
visitor center will not be designed solely for cultural tourism but will also include a ?rst in
Maltese cultural heritage venues: an educational center aimed also at school children. The
importance of making the local community feel that they are stakeholders in their country’s
archaeological heritage is central to these plans.
An unfortunate episode shook the academic and archaeological community and focused
attention on the need not just for protection but also for education in relation to heritage sites,
and also the need to make all members of society feel they are stakeholders in these national
treasures. In 2000 vandals in?ict damage on the Mnajdra temple when some megaliths,
weighing several tonnes are dislodged; several years earlier, they daub paint over this site
and a number of others sites. Theuma and Grima (2006) see an underlying explanation in the
Figure 3 Tourists visiting Malta, January to December 2008
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failure of the relevant authorities to divulge knowledge and management plans about usage
of the sites with local residents resulting in tensions about land rights. Bianchi (2003) argues
that local land users may feel their own traditions and use of the land are threatened with
sites that are literally encroaching on their territory and which are perceived as being taken
over solely for the bene?t of tourism. In the case of prehistoric archaeology, an apparent
disconnect becomes evident, or at least a lack of a sense of identi?cation, with these
elements of Maltese cultural heritage. Given their cultural remoteness, outside the
archaeological community, the temples are typically not understood and, importantly, not
always perceived as part of the Maltese cultural capital, let alone identity. By contrast, other
elements of history and heritage and identity, particularly those tied to the Maltese resistance
to the Sieges, are strong elements of a collective sense of identity.
The previous absence of suf?cient elements relating to Maltese archaeology in school
programs is now being recti?ed and other initiatives to favor engagement with the
archaeological heritage are also being introduced. For example, the visitor center also
constitutes an element in this process that aims to present these cultural artifacts as part of a
living landscape showing the uses of the sites through time. This constitutes a process of
acculturation and of promoting identi?cation assimilation and a sense of custodianship of the
Maltese prehistoric heritage. As Renwick (2005) argues, World Heritage is perhaps
something for which everyone can feel a sense of custodianship.
Further recommendations for Malta’s repositioning as a cultural heritage destination
The previous sections highlight how the government and NGOs make considerable
advances in improving environmental policy, restoring heritage sites and generally
restructuring the tourism offering while seeking greater sustainability for the island. Plans
and structures now in place succeed in dealing with many of the challenges facing Malta
now and in the future. The following sections discuss some of the limitations of attracting
cultural tourismand the proposition that, at least in the short to mediumterm, cultural tourism
can supplement but cannot adequately replace mass tourism. The article will then outline
Figure 4 Percentage change of tourists visiting Malta, January to December 2008 over
2007
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some further steps that need to be taken in the private sector, particularly hospitality
provision, so as to create a more appealing cultural heritage destination. Recommendations
will also be made relating to Malta’s internal transport system (connecting cultural sites and
resorts) and external transport links in ways that aim to exploit the potential to receive
increased numbers of cultural tourists.
Limitation in attracting cultural tourists
Many people who already visit Malta ?t the pro?le Richards (1996) identi?es as tourists who
primarily take seaside holidays but also appreciate being able to spend the odd day visiting
heritage sites and attending cultural events. Yet Richards (1996) identi?es also other types of
cultural tourists: a minority, who are culturally motivated, want culture as their focus and will
hire guides to learn about the sites. A repositioning to appeal to this tourist type is more
problematic, designed to address the problem of seasonality by attracting visitors who
would hypothetically be coming to Malta for a cultural holiday and not a seaside holiday. In
fact heritage sites and cultural events are more likely to appeal to what Richards (1996) sees
as opportunistic cultural tourists who are inspired by culture and who are attracted by
cultural themes such as festivals and concerts and historically famous places. Briguglio and
Briguglio (1996, p. 174) caution that while Malta’s rich cultural heritage gives the island
signi?cant potential as a cultural destination, such tourismshould be seen as supplementing
rather than replacing mass tourism because exclusive dependence on cultural tourism
would not be viable for Malta economically, at least in the short to mediumterm. Worth noting
in this debate, is how some argue that cultural tourism is not an entirely more sustainable
type of tourism than seaside mass tourism (see Markwick, 1999).
Another limitation of cultural tourism is one raised by Ashworth (2005) who points out how
strictly cultural tourism does not generate much return (or repeat) tourism, and one should
bear in mind that, out of Malta’s current tourist in?ows, almost half are return visitors. Thus,
possibly Malta’s best option is to take pre-emptive measures to reduce environmental
degradation of mass tourism, while at the same time reaping its economic bene?ts (Briguglio
and Briguglio, 1996, p. 174). In addition, cultural tourism is no easy option, being an
expanding and competitive market in which the current cultural-tourism provision in Europe
is beginning to outstrip demand (Richards, 1995; Metaxas, 2007). Similarly, Ashworth (2005)
notes how many of the Mediterranean destinations are currently competing for the same
market in working to increase their heritage element. Despite these reservations and
potential constraints in pursuing Malta’s repositioning as a cultural heritage destination, the
bene?ts accrue to all people visiting Malta and play a part in creating positive word-of-mouth
effects and repeat purchase of holidays.
Hospitality infrastructure
Mass tourism causes particular pressure on the coastline, in terms of overcrowding of
beaches and from the construction of hotels in the main coastal areas. The majority of tourist
accommodation, which ranges fromlower-middle price ranges to luxury conference hotels, is
located in the seaside resorts of Bug? ibba, Qawra, Mellieha, Sliema, St Julians, and Paceville.
In order to take pressure off the coast, and to increase hospitality provision in traditional and
historical buildings that may be more attractive for the purposes of cultural heritage tourism,
the use of inland locations and the capital would constitute a potential solution.
Valletta is a historic city and one of few cities worldwide boasting UNESCO World Heritage
status. While recently undergoing signi?cant building renovation, this is mainly the result of
some recent yuppi?cation of the city and speculation on residential real estate to meet this
new demand. With the exception of the 5-star Phoenicia Hotel, just outside Valletta’s walls,
itself dating back only to the late 1930s, the historic buildings are not typically used as hotels.
Although Valletta has several lower-category hotels, the potential for increasing Valletta’s
tourist accommodation capacity and turning the city into a residential hub for cultural tourists
is clear. At present, few tourists currently spend more than one day in the capital (Theuma,
2004) when the potential exists for the city to play a central role in attracting more, which
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would not overburden the city as in the evening a large number of people who work in the city
leave as they live elsewhere.
The potential also exists for similar environmentally-sensitive plans to be operated in other
inland locations. At present only a few historic hotels are located inland (e.g. the Corinthia
Palace Hotel in Attard and the Xara Palace in Mdina, a historic palazzo converted into a
hotel). Encouraging an expansion of inland hospitality in all categories may further relieve
pressure on the coast. As well as hotels there are also high quality restaurants located in
historic venues, a preeminent example being at Palazzo Parisio in Naxxar (see Figure 5).
Yet, thegovernment continues tofavor thegrantingof planningpermissionfor imposing5-star
purpose-built international franchise establishments ostensibly because of the premium
visitors they attract. While these hotels are successful in attracting an increasing volume of
conference and incentive tourism, they are often not the ?rst choice for cultural tourists who,
while being more discerning, are not necessarily higher spenders (see also Ashworth and
Tunbridge, 2004, pp. 9-10; Mitchell, 1996, p. 207). In fact, tourists who are preparedto pay for
cultural tours andrelatedcultural activities often prefer to stay in less environmentally intrusive
3 or 4 star hotels with local character or 5 star ones in historic buildings.
Seeking to exploit the internal resources of the island and drawing tourists inland away from
a congested coast is a structural solution that seeks to address the problem of
environmental overload on facilities and the degradation of the environment. Such a solution
requires, however, also the involvement of single hotels to be sensitized and involved in the
issues and objectives of sustainability and its perceived value. An example of initiatives
using incentives to reposition hotels towards these aims, is Malta Tourism Authority’s recent
introduction of an eco-label/certi?cate for hotels that implement sustainable practices,
Figure 5 Gilded ballroom of mirrors at Palazzo Parisio
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mirroring similar efforts in other Mediterranean countries such as Greece (see
Chatziathanassiou et al., 2004). With eco-credentials sought only by a small segment of
tourists, themselves probably involved in environmental issues, encountering a consistent
commitment and environmental sensitivity in the main infrastructures and activities within the
island is important. Other practices may appear to invalidate the efforts in the sectors
committed to environmental safeguarding. More critically, negative practices can have a
disproportionately negative effect on the perception of the overall positioning of the island on
these questions as well as on the sustainability of tourism. Therefore, while governmental
action through the government heritage agencies and NGOs can operate directly in certain
public areas such as parts of the coastline and heritage sites, the involvement of the private
sector in areas such as hospitality (hotels, etc.) and transport in particular, are less amenable
to a top-down policy implementation and require action to sensitize the issues of incentives
to encourage action.
The sustainability of Malta’s tourism industry
The drive for creating a more sustainable tourismindustry in Malta re?ects a growingtrendfor
sustainability worldwide followingthe UNEarth Summit in Rio de Janeiroin 1992 that ledto the
creation of a blueprint for action to achieve sustainable development worldwide. Recent
tourism literature re?ects these goals (Smith and Eadington, 1992; Hall and Lew, 1998;
Ionnides et al., 2001; Bramwell, 2004). Aquilina (2004) recommends that Malta needs to carry
out institutional capacity-building so as to meet the challenges of achieving sustainable
development, including strengthening of the role of NGOs and enforcing a national strategic
plan for sustainable development (see also Dodds, 2007). The Blue Plan makes a number of
recommendations to improve governance for sustainable tourismby giving more in?uence to
destination countries in planning their tourist strategy. An economically more sustainable
tourist industry is ultimately oneinwhichthetourist destination has morecontrol, particularly in
terms of typology, volume, and seasonality. This con?guration would also diminish the
dominant power of foreign tour operators whose bargaining power can dictate tourism
patterns (see also Briguglio and Briguglio, 1996, pp. 163-164; Nowicka, 2007).
Improving Malta’s transport system for cultural tourists and for the Island’s sustainability
Thesuccess of cultural tourismis dependent onimprovements to Malta’s transport network so
as to give tourists easier access to Malta’s cultural sites (see Ashworth and Tunbridge, 2004,
p. 24) and at the same time is integral to the island’s sustainability. The Maltese bus system
offers an effective and socially-responsible service between towns and villages, but does not
as yet cater suf?ciently for tourist resorts andcultural sites (Robbins, 1996) encouragingmany
tourists to less sustainable travel in rental cars or taxis. Recently, however, positive moves are
evident in terms of environmental sustainability in tourism transport that can be seen in the
introduction of open-air bus tours in some areas, a model steam-train route aroundthe sites of
Rabat, Mdina and Mtarfa and an electric taxi service in Valletta.
Developing cultural heritage tourism networks within Europe and the Mediterranean
Being a small island in the middle of the Mediterranean, the world’s most popular regional
tourist destination (with a plethora of famous resorts and cultural sites) presents both pros
and cons for Malta. Like many historic European cities, for example the Italian citta` d’Arte
such as Lucca or Urbino, Valletta and also Mdina, a medieval walled hill-top city, largely
rebuilt in Baroque style following an earthquake, could each be positioned as cultural
venues in their own right. This positioning would enable themto link to Europe-wide networks
and gain exposure to a cultural tourism market. This could be supported via European
projects such as the Art Cities of Europe Pilot Project an initiative consisting of a network of
42 cities with the common objective of strengthening a symbiosis between cultural heritage
and tourism. Malta also stands to gain from increased cultural tourism through better links
with its southern neighbors as well as with other Mediterranean islands, also rich in cultural
heritage. Competition is increasing in the MENA (Middle East and North Africa) region that is
increasingly targeting the European and Asian markets. Cultural tourism is one of the fastest
expanding segments of tourism globally and the countries of this region have high growth
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potential, with tourism increasing in the area by 9.5 percent between 2000 and 2004, the
fastest growth rate of any region worldwide (de Trafford et al., 2008). Malta’s vicinity to such
culturally-rich regions also offers opportunities. Yet the development of an actual strategy
seems necessary to structure more interregional mobility and to build stronger regional
cooperation in the Mediterranean tourist industry. The Barcelona Process, also referred to as
the Euro-Mediterranean partnership recommends this policy. This EU policy towards
Mediterranean countries encourages closer regional ties to promote peace and stability and
foster prosperity. The Blue Plan forms part of the Mediterranean Action Plan, established
under the aegis of the United Nations Environment Programme with a mandate to help
governments of all Mediterranean coastal states to ensure sustainable socio-economic
development without environmental degradation. One of its recommendations is also to
raise more awareness of activities at a regional level, in tourist destinations as well as in
source countries. Networking using these and other structures also offers opportunities for
pairing cultural destinations across national boundaries but within the close regional area,
for example Malta with other Mediterranean islands such as Sicily and Rhodes, and also
locations in Tunisia and Egypt.
Conclusion
The case of the Maltese islands shows the repositioning of tourism policy as resulting from a
series of factors: the longstanding work and pressure by environmental and heritage NGOs,
the in?uence of opinion leaders (primarily in the press), environmental activists and (green)
political campaigners, a change in public opinion, and the increased availability of support
from international organizations. These factors coincide with crisis logic: the realization
amongst policy makers that action for regeneration of an environmental type (both in terms
of ecological and heritage) is necessary now given that the cost of non-intervention is
greater than intervention.
The sense of crisis that seems a necessary condition for favoring the implementation of a
policy of change may be a general tendency in political action. Yet the evolution of a crisis
situation has a particular poignancy for the case of a small island where the territory is
limited. In the case of Malta, the damaging environmental impacts from overexploitation of
the coast for commercial purposes affect the whole population. The environmental
degradation is visible to all as the whole territory is accessible potentially by all members of
the population. Yet even when a general consensus exists about a crisis situation, this does
not necessarily lead to a policy of change. Pressures for change, the know-how and
resources must be available to implement a change in policy. In the case of Malta, this article
highlights how certain institutions, environmental NGOs and the archaeological community
constituted both pressure groups and repositories of knowledge capable of carrying out
regeneration and restoration projects. In fact these constituencies often lobbied to carry out
the projects resulting in the government delegating to NGOs signi?cant restoration and
management responsibilities in the cultural heritage and environmental ?eld.
This article also discusses how in other sectors, such as the hospitality sector, similar
operations are lagging behind, understandably given the dif?culty in coordinating or
imposing policy on a series of private companies as compared to the publicly owned
territory and coastline. Therefore, the repositioning of Malta as a heritage destination is far
from complete and requires action to increase its sustainability, particularly in the areas of
hospitality and the internal transport system. Potentially, some of the mechanisms and
resources in terms of stakeholder involvement and know-how identi?ed in this paper, that
enabled the implementation of a policy of regeneration in the environment and heritage
sectors, may also be successfully deployed in these other sectors.
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Malta, Valletta.
Corresponding author
Emilio Foxell can be contacted at: [email protected]
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