Description
People arguably create ‘‘storied lives’’; including constructing accounts of their leisure that
become part of their personal and social identities. These stories are valuable and relevant, not just to
themselves, but also to others with whom they choose to share their stories. This paper and
accompanying film aim to further understanding of how consumers visiting the second highest bungy
jump in the world construct and convey stories of this experience
International Journal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research
Quest for a story
Shelagh Ferguson
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To cite this document:
Shelagh Ferguson, (2011),"Quest for a story", International J ournal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research, Vol. 5 Iss 4 pp. 354 - 363
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Quest for a story
Shelagh Ferguson
Abstract
Purpose – People arguably create ‘‘storied lives’’; including constructing accounts of their leisure that
become part of their personal and social identities. These stories are valuable and relevant, not just to
themselves, but also to others with whom they choose to share their stories. This paper and
accompanying ?lm aim to further understanding of how consumers visiting the second highest bungy
jump in the world construct and convey stories of this experience.
Design/methodology/approach – The research approach is exploratory. The researcher observed,
interviewed, and ?lmed informants at the primary site of investigation. The interview transcripts were
transcribed in full. Emergent themes were validated through constant cross-checking. The themes
provided the foundation for the accompanying video.
Findings – Several themes regarding narratives and high-risk leisure emerged including the
construction of factual accounts and rehearsed accounts, the use of markers to symbolize and make
more tangible the consumption experience, and the role of technology in the communication of the
stories.
Research limitations/implications – This exploratory research offers insight into the components of
narratives for Generation Y tourists consuming in New Zealand. These ?ndings do not claim to
generalize to other samples or activities.
Originality/value – The paper extends the knowledge of how stories ?gure in consumers’ lives;
particularly in the context of the consumption of high-risk leisure.
Keywords Adventure consumption, Videography, Consumer narrative, Exploratory research,
Generation Y, New Zealand, Narratives, Behaviour
Paper type Research paper
Introduction
This research comprises a written paper and an edited video-ethnography that investigates
the role of consumer story-telling in the consumption of bungee-jumping, a form of high risk
leisure that has gained popularity worldwide (Berno et al., 1996). The written paper details
the conceptual foundations of the research, notably providing a review of the literature about
story-telling and consumer research, key research questions, research method and
?ndings. The video-ethnography showcases consumers telling stories of their experiences
of bungy-jumping at A.J. Hackett Nevis Bungy, the second highest bungy jump in the world
located in Queenstown, New Zealand. The consumers are international travelers from the
UK, Mexico, Ireland, Brazil and the US. Although each consumer goes through the same set
of events and processes when making their bungy jump, we ?nd that consumers’ accounts
of their bungy-jumping experiences are highly varied. More speci?cally consumers’ stories
re?ect a synthesis of highly personal reactions to their bungy-jump experiences and their
perceptions of the likely reactions to their stories of friends and families living at home in their
countries of origin.
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Shelagh Ferguson is a
Lecturer in the Department
of Marketing, University of
Otago, Dunedin, New
Zealand.
Received March 2009
Revised September 2009
Accepted January 2010
Please ?nd the video that
accompanies this article at:http://www.emeraldinsight.
com/promo/hospitality_
research.htm
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Stories in consumer research
Consumer researchers have only recently paid attention to the contribution of stories to
consumer research. A story is a description of particular act, occurrence or course of events
(Gergen and Gergen, 1988). Stories can be conveyed via different means; including writing,
theatrical performance, ?lm, and radio (Miller, 1990; Stern, 1998a). Stories can be personal
or impersonal. A personal association with the narrator tends to make a story more
interesting (Baumeister and Newman, 1994). The audience tends to become much more
involved if they can imagine the person doing an activity or predict how they would feel
during an event (Gergen and Gergen, 1988).
Numerous insights can be gleaned from collecting and analyzing consumers’ stories. For
example, insights derived from the content of the story, how the story is told, who is actually
doing the telling and for what purpose (Bruner, 1987; Escalas and Bettman, 2000; Reissman,
1993; Ryan, 2004). Research has also explored the use of literary techniques and the
character of the language used (Stern, 1993) and the use of narratives in the construction of
reality (O’Guinn and Shrum, 1997).
The device of using a narrative voice to explain a phenomenon is widely recognized
(Bakhtin, 1934; Cohn, 1978; Miller, 1990) and within the ?eld of consumer behavior can be
particularly valuable for consumer researchers. Speci?cally, the way consumers use a
narrative to account for themselves and their actions in their own words. Although stories or
narratives can be associated with fantasy and ?ction, this is not the case in consumer
research; rather stories are rich source of insight into how consumers relate to, understand
and derive meaning from their consumption experiences (Stern, 1998a). The inclusion the
‘‘consumer’s voice’’ facilitates deeper and richer understanding of how they view their
behavior (Arnould and Price, 1993; Belk et al., 1989a, b; Celsi et al., 1993; Holt, 1995;
O’Guinn, 1991).
Froma research perspective, narrative research is an interdisciplinary approach (Reissman,
1993). Given the focus on understanding meanings, the analysis of narratives are
particularly well suited to the interpretive consumer researcher. The interpretive paradigm
holds that a single universal truth does not exist (Spiggle, 1998; Stern, 1998b). Agreement
may occur on key facts from the perspective of the narrator, audience and researcher, but
the interpreted meanings are likely to differ and thus provide insight into the often highly
idiosyncratic nature of subjectivities (Miller, 1990). Consumer’s narratives are invariably a
mix of relatively objectively observable aspects of the experience and their personal
interpretations of the experience.
This research examines consumer experiences of a commercial bungy jump. These
experiences embrace a standardized linear series of highly managed events plus
consumers’ interpretations of them. Holt (1995) recognizes ‘‘consuming as experience’’ as
consumers’ subjective, emotional reactions to experiential, hedonic, aesthetic, autotelic and
subjective consumption experiences. He posits that consumers use three processes to
express their consumption experiences: appreciating, accounting for, and evaluating.
These processes underpin making sense of events, constructing value judgments about
them and responding emotionally to consumption experiences.
Holt (1995) also notes that consumers do not create their experiences anew rather they
apply interpretive framework formed a priori to understand their consumption experiences
(Holt, 1995, p. 14). As bungy jumping is a well known adventure activity; the experience is
likely well embedded in consumer culture so that consumers have shared understandings
as well similar understanding of related consumption values (Geertz, 1973). These
interpretive frameworks draw from wider cultural narratives such as lifestyle magazines
(Jennings, 2002; Keen, 2002) or information commodi?ed by the marketing function of the
commercial bungy operator (Cloke and Perkins, 2002; Cloke and Perkins, 1998a; Cloke and
Perkins, 1998b) shape the narratives that consumers tell.
Narratives can serve as a means to communicate a consumption-experience-
related-identity to an audience (Baudrillard, 1988; Elliot and Wattanasuwan, 1998; Firat
and Venkatesh, 1995; Ryan and McLoughlin, 1999; Thompson and Holt, 1996). So these
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narratives about a commercial bungy jump may seek to use some of the qualities of
excitement and danger that are contained in its surrounding cultural framework, in a
personal identity project. If an adventurous experience is consumed and subsequently
narrated, can some of those adventurous qualities be transferred to the consumer?
Audiences are important for identity creation and the process of creating an identity requires
the performance of a narrative that supports this identity to others who validate the identity
(Escalas and Bettman, 2000; Holy?eld and Fine, 1997).
Stories about adventure and high risk leisure
Mathlein’s (1998) research on tourism experiences found that, within some groups, the
consumption of terrifying or dangerous experiences as part of a tourism experience could
become the most narrative worthy to an individual. Hence this research focuses on the
consumption of the 134 meter bungy jumpy at Nevis Bluff, Queenstown, New Zealand (one
of the highest commercial bungy jumps in the world). It is recognized that as a commercial
adventure experience the risk is perceived rather than actual, however initial pilot studies
revealed rich and enlivening accounts of the experience were easily elicited from
consumers.
This research seeks to understand the characteristics of narratives that consumers tell about
their adventurous experiences or extraordinary experiences as Arnould and Price (1993)
express. When consuming ‘‘extraordinary experiences’’ consumers seek to preserve the
richness of these narratives to convey to their audiences (Arnould and Price, 1993). Many of
these experiences occur removed from the intended audience and this research seeks to
explore the characteristics of narratives as the consumers seek to convey the intensity of
their experience.
Although this area is well researched there are still many unanswered questions. The issue of
geographical position is an element to consider with regard to adventurous consumption
practices. Audiences are important for identity creation and the process of creating an
identity requires the performance of a narrative that supports this identity to others who
validate the identity. What happens when the experience required as part of the identity
project is consumed away from the preferred audience? How is the narrative brought back
and performed to the desired audience? Which forms of communication are preferred, in
person, email, phone or some other option? What are the characteristics of these narratives
that are used as expressions or articulation of this created identity?
Generation Y and adventure narratives
Consumer and lifestyle reports have rather unkindly described Generation Y adults as
delaying parental responsibilities in order to indulge their inner child more vigorously, more
so than any other preceding generations. Speci?cally Generation Y seek leisure that is
ful?lling rather than achieving physical ?tness and they use risk taking leisure activities to
gain that ful?llment they seek. Media representations of relevant popular culture in?uence
them (Goodman and Dretzin, 2003; Paul, 2001; Quart, 2003; Simmons Market Research
Bureau, 2008; Solomon, 2003). This in?uence would be consistent with AJ Hackett’s
marketing manager who describes over 90 percent of their customers as member of
Generation Y.
As a generation, they are place more value on the response of their audience to their
narratives than older generations. Generation Y is more outer directed, valuing the opinions
and interaction with their peers than older generations. This valuing is particularly true of the
Baby Boomer generation who are comparatively more inner directed, requiring less
response from their audiences (Kahle, 1995; Solomon, 2003).
Central research question
Although this area is researched in part questions remain without answers. This research
speci?cally seeks to investigate how a consumer takes a high-risk commercial adventure
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experience, creates a narrative about that experience and then communicates the
experiences back to a geographically distant audience.
Method
The choice of method evolved during preliminary research, being molded by initial ?ndings
and continuous reference back to the relevant literature. This semi-inductive, iterative
methodology matches the exploratory nature of the research problem. Data gathering
sought to capture the narrative as told by informants to family and friends at home in the
informant’s country of origin. Optimal investigation of these tales would require following
each consumer back to their home community after their traveling experience and observing
more of their narration behaviors. Even if following a consumer back to their home
community was possible, the method would still fail to capture immediate post-consumption
narration as consumers use phones, text and e-mail to communicate with their relevant
audiences.
Does immediate post-consumption euphoria in?uence these stories? Would these narrations
have a richness and urgency about them that later retelling might not retain? Initial research
identi?ed that the primary consumers of commercial adventure experiences were
Generation Y travelers touring New Zealand who commonly sent a regular newsletter via
e-mail to a mailing list of important contacts. A signi?cant proportion of informants used this
form of communication regularly. This issue was addressed by a request to be included on
the consumers’ mailing list for their e-mail newsletter, to compare the immediately
post-consumption narrative with the e-mail version. The e-mail versions of the stories were
generally very similar to the vocally narrated versions, in terms of the content and sequence
of description. However, they did lack some of the vitality, detail and emotion of the initial
verbal accounts. For example one informant talked for several minutes about his personal
interpretation of the intensity of the experience whereas his e-mail contained three brief
sentences:
Hey you guys. Did the Nevis Bungy today, 134m of freefall. It was awesome and you all NEED to
do it.
This could, however, be attributed to the uni-dimensionality of the written word. Most
informants were much more eloquent when describing their euphoric emotion in verbal form
than text form. This research is seeking to investigate the construction of these
post-consumption stories and the immediate post-consumption vitality is a factor in the
narration. A methodological compromise was to approach participants very shortly after
consumption of their bungy jump and discuss how they would construct their ‘‘story’’ and
any modi?cations that might be made to their stories with regard to the speci?c audience. An
additional area for discussion was how the imperative to narrate would develop or recede
over time as they were physically separated from their home community. This provided a
wider insight into the narrative and added greater depth to the stories told.
Over a period of two weeks, almost 100 informants were interviewed at AJ Hackett’s Nevis
Bungy jump site in a face to face, ?lmed, in-depth, unstructured interview. The sample was a
randomly selected broad cross section of travelers from around the globe. This number of
interviews represents informant redundancy through phrase saturation. The participants
were approached post jump and requested to participate in a ‘‘direct to camera’’
discussion. A very high consent rate was gained with less than ten refusals during the
research period. Participants were asked to detail to whom they would ?rst tell their stories
and what they would say. This was then developed to explore how they would modify and
emphasize certain elements of the story for different audiences and why that was deemed
necessary. As an essential part of the narrative, participants were asked to describe how
they viewed this particular consumption experience and howtheir friends would viewthemin
relation to this consumption in terms of whether it was ‘‘cool’’ or not. The video-recorded
semi-structured interviews were then analyzed with reference back to the literature to identify
key emergent themes for development.
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The value of videography to this research question
Qualitative researchers strive to understand the personal and intimate aspects of their
subjects. Traditionally consumer research has been based upon the written word, which
presents a one-dimensional understanding of a topic. Multi sensory information can convey
a more complete and complex understanding (Arnould, 1998). This paper combines visual
images and sound, in addition to the written word to record the informants’ interviews, which
gives a rich, full and thick description of the phenomena being investigated here
Consumer behavior research has substantially found an outlet through academic journals
and conferences, which predominantly deal in the written word. More widely available and
cheaper technology has us, as researchers, considering the format most appropriate to the
research question being asked. The research tool should ?t the question; this research
seeks to examine the characteristics of these stories. Stories can exist in a one-dimensional
written form, however to gain the insight this research seeks a tool that would demonstrate
the richness of these narratives was sought. A visual element to studies ?ts with a paradigm
that seeks to add depth and complexity to an individual, celebrating the difference rather
than looking for convergence.
Belk (1998) asserts that the visual form has become the key contemporary mode of mass
media representation and consumption. He continues to propose that this visual element
may assist in a different type of understanding, capturing the unique human elements of the
informants. This knowledge is knowledge of an experience (opposed to knowledge about)
(Langer, 1963), emotional understanding (Denzin, 1989) and experiential understanding
(Belk et al., 1989a). Visual material provides the context that facilitates us understanding
how this experience must feel for the informant. Being able to observe their face provides
immediacy and insight that the written word cannot compare against.
Belk (1998) also suggests that multimedia representations are more likely, but not
exclusively, to be aligned with a non positivist or interpretive research paradigm due to its
ability to make us as the audience to feel, think and re?ect on the focus of the research. In this
research the use of video imparts a message using more than visual representation but
sound and emotion as well. Video as a form of communication embraces non-verbal
communication that the written form lacks. Multimedia representations can give the
audience greater involvement and identi?cation with the informants, as is posited with this
research. The use of videography as the chosen multimedia methodology for this ?lm allows
maximum representation of the informant’s story. Future research intends to examine
responses to these stories, the choice of videography allows us to become more involved in
these stories and respond in a more holistic way in accordance with the interpretive
paradigm adopted.
Findings
Four themes emerged from data analysis:
1. Factual construction.
2. Rehearsed accounts.
3. The integration of technology.
4. The use of markers.
These themes are detailed as follows.
1. Factual construction
Factual construction of stories refers to informants; use of de?nable and shared terms in the
narration of their stories such as referring to the bungy tower being higher than the Liberty
Hall and the Spire monument, both buildings in central Dublin or the sensation of falling
during the bungy jump being similar to the feeling of accelerating in a fast car. These devices
appear part of the ‘‘sense making’’ process where comparisons are made to more everyday
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and accessible frameworks; these can be norms, history and conventions (Holt, 1995, p. 5).
Also informants appear to be using such analogies to facilitate identi?cation by their target
audiences with their experiences. Signi?cantly several informants included incorrect
information in their stories such as claming that the bungy jump is the highest in the world.
Other approaches to narration stood in contrast; informants’ stories instead focusing on
encouraging others to participate or simple expressions of emotion such as multiple
reiterations of ‘‘Amazing!’’ The former informants use a concrete construction in their use of
language opposed to informants who used emotive adjectives to evaluate their experience.
2. Rehearsed accounts
Informants were interviewed very shortly after the experience. Several of them had already
constructed an ironic or amusing story for immediate narration, which they communicated to
others in the following few hours. This behavior strongly supports the social aspect of this
consumption as opposed to it simply being an intrinsic challenge intended to produce
self-grati?cation alone. The stories re?ect a tale within a tale, these are consumers’ stories of
how they will retell their story, and they are both objective and subjective and often include a
tertiary consideration of how their intended audience will react to this tale.
3. The integration of technology
A de?ning characteristic of Generation Y is the integration of technology into their
consumption activities (Howe and Strauss, 2000; Paul, 2001). This is certainly re?ected in
this group of informants who are using forms of communication technology (texting,
scanning photos, web pages and mailing lists) to widely distribute their stories. Similar to
Rehearsed Accounts, these were recounted shortly after consumption but re?ected
modi?cations due to the nature of the technology used.
4. Use of markers or props
Over 90 percent of this sample of informants purchase markers to symbolize and tangibilize
this consumption, such as videos, photographs, certi?cates and t-shirts. The ?lm also
examines how these markers are used and integrated into these narrations. One consumer
indicates a surprisingly wide range of uses in stating that, ‘‘It will not be framed and put up on
the wall, it is not a degree certi?cate or anything like that’’ through to wide and very
conspicuous display of these markers. Another informant declared that she would be putting
her t-shirt on the moment she left the bungy site and wearing it into holes. This broad range of
reaction to these tangible markers is based on the realization that each informant voluntarily
purchased some form of markers with no more coercion than a slick sales pitch.
Analysis
Further theoretical analysis developed three of the original four themes: rehearsed accounts,
technology and use of markers or props. This further analysis related the comparison of
these ?ndings to research in related areas.
Prepared stories
Informants’ stories of this experience were highly dramatic, dominant themes were
trepidation, awareness of an overwhelming fear that they only just managed to contain,
release and euphoria following this experience. However, safety ?gures for bungy jumping
identify it as low risk for the informant (Bentley et al., 2000) and the operator is subject to
stringent safety procedures to procure a license to operate (Council of Outdoor Recreation
Associations of New Zealand, 2002). The perception of risk is suf?cient for informants, as
dramatic constructions of high-risk activities dominante their narrations
These informants use a similar framework to narrate their stories, to that researched in
high-risk consumption (Celsi et al., 1993), but for a low-risk activity. This perception of risk
appears real to these informants and convinces themthat the risk is ‘‘real’’ for themand it is a
central theme in their narrations. This result reiterates the interplay between a psychological
and a sociological interpretation of the informant phenomenon under investigation. Using
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informant narratives gives a particularly rich insight into the meaning of these experiences –
a subjective rather than an objective reality is highlighted.
Another theme that emerges from analysis of these rehearsed accounts is the in?uence of
community. Immediate family were often indicated as the ?rst group that would have the
stories recounted to them. However, when further questioned, one informant noted that:
My family probably will not understand what a bungy jump is, I will have to explain it to thembut all
my friends will know . . . My parents will think I am crazy but my friends will think I am cool.
Several other similar quotes mirror this one, indicating a clear difference in the informant’s
mind relating to the recipient of their story, this extends to the purpose of recounting the
story. Some respondents readily revealed that they would be ‘‘sexing up’’ the version of their
experience that they told to their friends back home so they would be more impressed. Most
accounts included factual markers such as speci?c height (134 m) and it being the second
highest bungy in the world.
Research on the concept of ‘‘cool’’ suggests that a generation, ‘‘My friends will think I am
cool’’, share this cool. The subsequent generation actively rejects any facet of consumption
that the former generation valued (Pountain and Robins, 2000). The previous generation’s
de?nition of ‘‘cool’’ is actively rejected in favor of a shared, separate, exclusive
understanding as is demonstrated by this quote. Of course this informant’s parents will
think he is crazy because they do not share his construction of ‘‘cool’’ that his friends do. His
friends’, as part of Generation Y will share his construction of ‘‘cool’’. Cool is part of the
reaction of the informant’s home community to his or her story.
Use of technology
Informants use a wide range of technology to communicate their story to their home
community, matching their Generation Ypro?le of assimilating many forms of technology into
the many areas of their life. Very few are using just the written words to tell their story. The
sizable distance between these informants and their home communities does not appear to
be a barrier. Interestingly, the use of technology such as mailing lists for e-mails, to
disseminate their stories means giving only one version of the story to multiple audiences
such as friends fromuniversity, work and home; hence contradicting the earlier noted theory
that the story varies dependent upon the audience. One informant in the ?lmgroups together
her family, friends from home, friends from work and friends from university.
Markers or props
Performance is an issue when consumers narrate these stories to their home communities.
The communities have not shared the experiences but the informants expect that the
audience will have some knowledge of bungy jumping. Therefore these markers that
symbolize the consumption are also a prop to aid the performance of this story. As ?ndings
section identi?es these markers or props include videos, photos, t-shirts and certi?cates.
If Fox’s (1987) work on soft and hard core punks is related to these informant’s attitudes
towards the markers they have purchased and their intended use, then a framework using
the terms hard and soft core could be used to understand their behavior. A distinct
difference occurs between those informants who will wear their t-shirts fromthe moment they
are received in comparison to those who will never wear their t-shirts. Similarly informants
indicated a range of behavior of how the videos will be used; some informants intend to
broadcast to everyone, others are using intermediaries to disseminate information on their
behalf, and those who note that the video will probably go in the bottom drawer and not see
the ‘‘light of day again.
These props are an aid narration and the development of a continuum may be a useful
analysis tool to understand their use. At one end of the continuumare the informants who will
be broadcasting their videos, faming their pictures, proudly wearing their t-shirts and telling
everyone they meet about their jump, using Fox’s (1987) terms, these informants are
members of the ‘‘soft core’’.
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Next would be those who are having a party on their return to their communities where the
video and photos will be showing but as a secondary part of the event, available but not
actively promoted. These informants decry blatant exhibitionism.
In the middle of the scale are those informants who give their props to others to disseminate,
by sending of videos and photos to families to watch and wait for reaction or prompts to tell
their stories. This group might put their photos on private display for close community only,
such as bedroomwall or a family photo album, as one informant said, ‘‘to showmy kids I was
cool once’’.
At the other end of the continuum are the informants who consider these props ‘‘uncool’’ or
‘‘cheesy’’ (but have still purchased them!). Those who consider they will never watch the
video, or perhaps watch the video by themselves in a few years as a memory aid. Or
consider their certi?cate is not valuable as one informant says, ‘‘not a degree certi?cate or
anything important’’. No active promotion of the bungy jump will occur; these informants
tend to re?ect more on the consumption as an internalized event rather than an external one,
as comments such as the following re?ect, ‘‘I know I did it and I think it is cool.’’
Future research
The construction of the story is merely the ?rst step. The informant is very aware and
interested in his or her home community’s reaction to their story. Some believe that it will
reinforce the image that his community’s already has of him. As noted by Jim, his friends
back home already think he is a crazy guy and his story about this bungy jump will only
reinforce that image. An image with which he is quite comfortable! Others are positively
anticipating narrating their stories. Future research includes investigating reactions to these
stories with relation to themes already developed here. These stories in video form will be
sent to groups of Generation Y informants in America, UK, and Ireland to investigate their
response to the stories.
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About the author
Shelagh Ferguson is currently a Lecturer in Marketing Management at the University of
Otago, New Zealand. Her research interests include adventure tourism, consumer theory
and culture, consumption communities within society and interpretive and ethnographic
research methods. She has published in Advances in Consumer Research (Asia Paci?c and
European) and the International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy. Her videography ?lm
has been shown at the Asia Paci?c ACR Film Festival. Shelagh Ferguson can be contacted
at:[email protected]
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This article has been cited by:
1. Stephen Lloyd. 2013. Jungian foundations for managing and performing secular pilgrimages. International Journal of Culture,
Tourism and Hospitality Research 7:4, 375-393. [Abstract] [Full Text] [PDF]
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doc_606576557.pdf
People arguably create ‘‘storied lives’’; including constructing accounts of their leisure that
become part of their personal and social identities. These stories are valuable and relevant, not just to
themselves, but also to others with whom they choose to share their stories. This paper and
accompanying film aim to further understanding of how consumers visiting the second highest bungy
jump in the world construct and convey stories of this experience
International Journal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research
Quest for a story
Shelagh Ferguson
Article information:
To cite this document:
Shelagh Ferguson, (2011),"Quest for a story", International J ournal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research, Vol. 5 Iss 4 pp. 354 - 363
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Quest for a story
Shelagh Ferguson
Abstract
Purpose – People arguably create ‘‘storied lives’’; including constructing accounts of their leisure that
become part of their personal and social identities. These stories are valuable and relevant, not just to
themselves, but also to others with whom they choose to share their stories. This paper and
accompanying ?lm aim to further understanding of how consumers visiting the second highest bungy
jump in the world construct and convey stories of this experience.
Design/methodology/approach – The research approach is exploratory. The researcher observed,
interviewed, and ?lmed informants at the primary site of investigation. The interview transcripts were
transcribed in full. Emergent themes were validated through constant cross-checking. The themes
provided the foundation for the accompanying video.
Findings – Several themes regarding narratives and high-risk leisure emerged including the
construction of factual accounts and rehearsed accounts, the use of markers to symbolize and make
more tangible the consumption experience, and the role of technology in the communication of the
stories.
Research limitations/implications – This exploratory research offers insight into the components of
narratives for Generation Y tourists consuming in New Zealand. These ?ndings do not claim to
generalize to other samples or activities.
Originality/value – The paper extends the knowledge of how stories ?gure in consumers’ lives;
particularly in the context of the consumption of high-risk leisure.
Keywords Adventure consumption, Videography, Consumer narrative, Exploratory research,
Generation Y, New Zealand, Narratives, Behaviour
Paper type Research paper
Introduction
This research comprises a written paper and an edited video-ethnography that investigates
the role of consumer story-telling in the consumption of bungee-jumping, a form of high risk
leisure that has gained popularity worldwide (Berno et al., 1996). The written paper details
the conceptual foundations of the research, notably providing a review of the literature about
story-telling and consumer research, key research questions, research method and
?ndings. The video-ethnography showcases consumers telling stories of their experiences
of bungy-jumping at A.J. Hackett Nevis Bungy, the second highest bungy jump in the world
located in Queenstown, New Zealand. The consumers are international travelers from the
UK, Mexico, Ireland, Brazil and the US. Although each consumer goes through the same set
of events and processes when making their bungy jump, we ?nd that consumers’ accounts
of their bungy-jumping experiences are highly varied. More speci?cally consumers’ stories
re?ect a synthesis of highly personal reactions to their bungy-jump experiences and their
perceptions of the likely reactions to their stories of friends and families living at home in their
countries of origin.
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VOL. 5 NO. 4 2011, pp. 354-363, Q Emerald Group Publishing Limited, ISSN 1750-6182 DOI 10.1108/17506181111174637
Shelagh Ferguson is a
Lecturer in the Department
of Marketing, University of
Otago, Dunedin, New
Zealand.
Received March 2009
Revised September 2009
Accepted January 2010
Please ?nd the video that
accompanies this article at:http://www.emeraldinsight.
com/promo/hospitality_
research.htm
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Stories in consumer research
Consumer researchers have only recently paid attention to the contribution of stories to
consumer research. A story is a description of particular act, occurrence or course of events
(Gergen and Gergen, 1988). Stories can be conveyed via different means; including writing,
theatrical performance, ?lm, and radio (Miller, 1990; Stern, 1998a). Stories can be personal
or impersonal. A personal association with the narrator tends to make a story more
interesting (Baumeister and Newman, 1994). The audience tends to become much more
involved if they can imagine the person doing an activity or predict how they would feel
during an event (Gergen and Gergen, 1988).
Numerous insights can be gleaned from collecting and analyzing consumers’ stories. For
example, insights derived from the content of the story, how the story is told, who is actually
doing the telling and for what purpose (Bruner, 1987; Escalas and Bettman, 2000; Reissman,
1993; Ryan, 2004). Research has also explored the use of literary techniques and the
character of the language used (Stern, 1993) and the use of narratives in the construction of
reality (O’Guinn and Shrum, 1997).
The device of using a narrative voice to explain a phenomenon is widely recognized
(Bakhtin, 1934; Cohn, 1978; Miller, 1990) and within the ?eld of consumer behavior can be
particularly valuable for consumer researchers. Speci?cally, the way consumers use a
narrative to account for themselves and their actions in their own words. Although stories or
narratives can be associated with fantasy and ?ction, this is not the case in consumer
research; rather stories are rich source of insight into how consumers relate to, understand
and derive meaning from their consumption experiences (Stern, 1998a). The inclusion the
‘‘consumer’s voice’’ facilitates deeper and richer understanding of how they view their
behavior (Arnould and Price, 1993; Belk et al., 1989a, b; Celsi et al., 1993; Holt, 1995;
O’Guinn, 1991).
Froma research perspective, narrative research is an interdisciplinary approach (Reissman,
1993). Given the focus on understanding meanings, the analysis of narratives are
particularly well suited to the interpretive consumer researcher. The interpretive paradigm
holds that a single universal truth does not exist (Spiggle, 1998; Stern, 1998b). Agreement
may occur on key facts from the perspective of the narrator, audience and researcher, but
the interpreted meanings are likely to differ and thus provide insight into the often highly
idiosyncratic nature of subjectivities (Miller, 1990). Consumer’s narratives are invariably a
mix of relatively objectively observable aspects of the experience and their personal
interpretations of the experience.
This research examines consumer experiences of a commercial bungy jump. These
experiences embrace a standardized linear series of highly managed events plus
consumers’ interpretations of them. Holt (1995) recognizes ‘‘consuming as experience’’ as
consumers’ subjective, emotional reactions to experiential, hedonic, aesthetic, autotelic and
subjective consumption experiences. He posits that consumers use three processes to
express their consumption experiences: appreciating, accounting for, and evaluating.
These processes underpin making sense of events, constructing value judgments about
them and responding emotionally to consumption experiences.
Holt (1995) also notes that consumers do not create their experiences anew rather they
apply interpretive framework formed a priori to understand their consumption experiences
(Holt, 1995, p. 14). As bungy jumping is a well known adventure activity; the experience is
likely well embedded in consumer culture so that consumers have shared understandings
as well similar understanding of related consumption values (Geertz, 1973). These
interpretive frameworks draw from wider cultural narratives such as lifestyle magazines
(Jennings, 2002; Keen, 2002) or information commodi?ed by the marketing function of the
commercial bungy operator (Cloke and Perkins, 2002; Cloke and Perkins, 1998a; Cloke and
Perkins, 1998b) shape the narratives that consumers tell.
Narratives can serve as a means to communicate a consumption-experience-
related-identity to an audience (Baudrillard, 1988; Elliot and Wattanasuwan, 1998; Firat
and Venkatesh, 1995; Ryan and McLoughlin, 1999; Thompson and Holt, 1996). So these
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narratives about a commercial bungy jump may seek to use some of the qualities of
excitement and danger that are contained in its surrounding cultural framework, in a
personal identity project. If an adventurous experience is consumed and subsequently
narrated, can some of those adventurous qualities be transferred to the consumer?
Audiences are important for identity creation and the process of creating an identity requires
the performance of a narrative that supports this identity to others who validate the identity
(Escalas and Bettman, 2000; Holy?eld and Fine, 1997).
Stories about adventure and high risk leisure
Mathlein’s (1998) research on tourism experiences found that, within some groups, the
consumption of terrifying or dangerous experiences as part of a tourism experience could
become the most narrative worthy to an individual. Hence this research focuses on the
consumption of the 134 meter bungy jumpy at Nevis Bluff, Queenstown, New Zealand (one
of the highest commercial bungy jumps in the world). It is recognized that as a commercial
adventure experience the risk is perceived rather than actual, however initial pilot studies
revealed rich and enlivening accounts of the experience were easily elicited from
consumers.
This research seeks to understand the characteristics of narratives that consumers tell about
their adventurous experiences or extraordinary experiences as Arnould and Price (1993)
express. When consuming ‘‘extraordinary experiences’’ consumers seek to preserve the
richness of these narratives to convey to their audiences (Arnould and Price, 1993). Many of
these experiences occur removed from the intended audience and this research seeks to
explore the characteristics of narratives as the consumers seek to convey the intensity of
their experience.
Although this area is well researched there are still many unanswered questions. The issue of
geographical position is an element to consider with regard to adventurous consumption
practices. Audiences are important for identity creation and the process of creating an
identity requires the performance of a narrative that supports this identity to others who
validate the identity. What happens when the experience required as part of the identity
project is consumed away from the preferred audience? How is the narrative brought back
and performed to the desired audience? Which forms of communication are preferred, in
person, email, phone or some other option? What are the characteristics of these narratives
that are used as expressions or articulation of this created identity?
Generation Y and adventure narratives
Consumer and lifestyle reports have rather unkindly described Generation Y adults as
delaying parental responsibilities in order to indulge their inner child more vigorously, more
so than any other preceding generations. Speci?cally Generation Y seek leisure that is
ful?lling rather than achieving physical ?tness and they use risk taking leisure activities to
gain that ful?llment they seek. Media representations of relevant popular culture in?uence
them (Goodman and Dretzin, 2003; Paul, 2001; Quart, 2003; Simmons Market Research
Bureau, 2008; Solomon, 2003). This in?uence would be consistent with AJ Hackett’s
marketing manager who describes over 90 percent of their customers as member of
Generation Y.
As a generation, they are place more value on the response of their audience to their
narratives than older generations. Generation Y is more outer directed, valuing the opinions
and interaction with their peers than older generations. This valuing is particularly true of the
Baby Boomer generation who are comparatively more inner directed, requiring less
response from their audiences (Kahle, 1995; Solomon, 2003).
Central research question
Although this area is researched in part questions remain without answers. This research
speci?cally seeks to investigate how a consumer takes a high-risk commercial adventure
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experience, creates a narrative about that experience and then communicates the
experiences back to a geographically distant audience.
Method
The choice of method evolved during preliminary research, being molded by initial ?ndings
and continuous reference back to the relevant literature. This semi-inductive, iterative
methodology matches the exploratory nature of the research problem. Data gathering
sought to capture the narrative as told by informants to family and friends at home in the
informant’s country of origin. Optimal investigation of these tales would require following
each consumer back to their home community after their traveling experience and observing
more of their narration behaviors. Even if following a consumer back to their home
community was possible, the method would still fail to capture immediate post-consumption
narration as consumers use phones, text and e-mail to communicate with their relevant
audiences.
Does immediate post-consumption euphoria in?uence these stories? Would these narrations
have a richness and urgency about them that later retelling might not retain? Initial research
identi?ed that the primary consumers of commercial adventure experiences were
Generation Y travelers touring New Zealand who commonly sent a regular newsletter via
e-mail to a mailing list of important contacts. A signi?cant proportion of informants used this
form of communication regularly. This issue was addressed by a request to be included on
the consumers’ mailing list for their e-mail newsletter, to compare the immediately
post-consumption narrative with the e-mail version. The e-mail versions of the stories were
generally very similar to the vocally narrated versions, in terms of the content and sequence
of description. However, they did lack some of the vitality, detail and emotion of the initial
verbal accounts. For example one informant talked for several minutes about his personal
interpretation of the intensity of the experience whereas his e-mail contained three brief
sentences:
Hey you guys. Did the Nevis Bungy today, 134m of freefall. It was awesome and you all NEED to
do it.
This could, however, be attributed to the uni-dimensionality of the written word. Most
informants were much more eloquent when describing their euphoric emotion in verbal form
than text form. This research is seeking to investigate the construction of these
post-consumption stories and the immediate post-consumption vitality is a factor in the
narration. A methodological compromise was to approach participants very shortly after
consumption of their bungy jump and discuss how they would construct their ‘‘story’’ and
any modi?cations that might be made to their stories with regard to the speci?c audience. An
additional area for discussion was how the imperative to narrate would develop or recede
over time as they were physically separated from their home community. This provided a
wider insight into the narrative and added greater depth to the stories told.
Over a period of two weeks, almost 100 informants were interviewed at AJ Hackett’s Nevis
Bungy jump site in a face to face, ?lmed, in-depth, unstructured interview. The sample was a
randomly selected broad cross section of travelers from around the globe. This number of
interviews represents informant redundancy through phrase saturation. The participants
were approached post jump and requested to participate in a ‘‘direct to camera’’
discussion. A very high consent rate was gained with less than ten refusals during the
research period. Participants were asked to detail to whom they would ?rst tell their stories
and what they would say. This was then developed to explore how they would modify and
emphasize certain elements of the story for different audiences and why that was deemed
necessary. As an essential part of the narrative, participants were asked to describe how
they viewed this particular consumption experience and howtheir friends would viewthemin
relation to this consumption in terms of whether it was ‘‘cool’’ or not. The video-recorded
semi-structured interviews were then analyzed with reference back to the literature to identify
key emergent themes for development.
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The value of videography to this research question
Qualitative researchers strive to understand the personal and intimate aspects of their
subjects. Traditionally consumer research has been based upon the written word, which
presents a one-dimensional understanding of a topic. Multi sensory information can convey
a more complete and complex understanding (Arnould, 1998). This paper combines visual
images and sound, in addition to the written word to record the informants’ interviews, which
gives a rich, full and thick description of the phenomena being investigated here
Consumer behavior research has substantially found an outlet through academic journals
and conferences, which predominantly deal in the written word. More widely available and
cheaper technology has us, as researchers, considering the format most appropriate to the
research question being asked. The research tool should ?t the question; this research
seeks to examine the characteristics of these stories. Stories can exist in a one-dimensional
written form, however to gain the insight this research seeks a tool that would demonstrate
the richness of these narratives was sought. A visual element to studies ?ts with a paradigm
that seeks to add depth and complexity to an individual, celebrating the difference rather
than looking for convergence.
Belk (1998) asserts that the visual form has become the key contemporary mode of mass
media representation and consumption. He continues to propose that this visual element
may assist in a different type of understanding, capturing the unique human elements of the
informants. This knowledge is knowledge of an experience (opposed to knowledge about)
(Langer, 1963), emotional understanding (Denzin, 1989) and experiential understanding
(Belk et al., 1989a). Visual material provides the context that facilitates us understanding
how this experience must feel for the informant. Being able to observe their face provides
immediacy and insight that the written word cannot compare against.
Belk (1998) also suggests that multimedia representations are more likely, but not
exclusively, to be aligned with a non positivist or interpretive research paradigm due to its
ability to make us as the audience to feel, think and re?ect on the focus of the research. In this
research the use of video imparts a message using more than visual representation but
sound and emotion as well. Video as a form of communication embraces non-verbal
communication that the written form lacks. Multimedia representations can give the
audience greater involvement and identi?cation with the informants, as is posited with this
research. The use of videography as the chosen multimedia methodology for this ?lm allows
maximum representation of the informant’s story. Future research intends to examine
responses to these stories, the choice of videography allows us to become more involved in
these stories and respond in a more holistic way in accordance with the interpretive
paradigm adopted.
Findings
Four themes emerged from data analysis:
1. Factual construction.
2. Rehearsed accounts.
3. The integration of technology.
4. The use of markers.
These themes are detailed as follows.
1. Factual construction
Factual construction of stories refers to informants; use of de?nable and shared terms in the
narration of their stories such as referring to the bungy tower being higher than the Liberty
Hall and the Spire monument, both buildings in central Dublin or the sensation of falling
during the bungy jump being similar to the feeling of accelerating in a fast car. These devices
appear part of the ‘‘sense making’’ process where comparisons are made to more everyday
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and accessible frameworks; these can be norms, history and conventions (Holt, 1995, p. 5).
Also informants appear to be using such analogies to facilitate identi?cation by their target
audiences with their experiences. Signi?cantly several informants included incorrect
information in their stories such as claming that the bungy jump is the highest in the world.
Other approaches to narration stood in contrast; informants’ stories instead focusing on
encouraging others to participate or simple expressions of emotion such as multiple
reiterations of ‘‘Amazing!’’ The former informants use a concrete construction in their use of
language opposed to informants who used emotive adjectives to evaluate their experience.
2. Rehearsed accounts
Informants were interviewed very shortly after the experience. Several of them had already
constructed an ironic or amusing story for immediate narration, which they communicated to
others in the following few hours. This behavior strongly supports the social aspect of this
consumption as opposed to it simply being an intrinsic challenge intended to produce
self-grati?cation alone. The stories re?ect a tale within a tale, these are consumers’ stories of
how they will retell their story, and they are both objective and subjective and often include a
tertiary consideration of how their intended audience will react to this tale.
3. The integration of technology
A de?ning characteristic of Generation Y is the integration of technology into their
consumption activities (Howe and Strauss, 2000; Paul, 2001). This is certainly re?ected in
this group of informants who are using forms of communication technology (texting,
scanning photos, web pages and mailing lists) to widely distribute their stories. Similar to
Rehearsed Accounts, these were recounted shortly after consumption but re?ected
modi?cations due to the nature of the technology used.
4. Use of markers or props
Over 90 percent of this sample of informants purchase markers to symbolize and tangibilize
this consumption, such as videos, photographs, certi?cates and t-shirts. The ?lm also
examines how these markers are used and integrated into these narrations. One consumer
indicates a surprisingly wide range of uses in stating that, ‘‘It will not be framed and put up on
the wall, it is not a degree certi?cate or anything like that’’ through to wide and very
conspicuous display of these markers. Another informant declared that she would be putting
her t-shirt on the moment she left the bungy site and wearing it into holes. This broad range of
reaction to these tangible markers is based on the realization that each informant voluntarily
purchased some form of markers with no more coercion than a slick sales pitch.
Analysis
Further theoretical analysis developed three of the original four themes: rehearsed accounts,
technology and use of markers or props. This further analysis related the comparison of
these ?ndings to research in related areas.
Prepared stories
Informants’ stories of this experience were highly dramatic, dominant themes were
trepidation, awareness of an overwhelming fear that they only just managed to contain,
release and euphoria following this experience. However, safety ?gures for bungy jumping
identify it as low risk for the informant (Bentley et al., 2000) and the operator is subject to
stringent safety procedures to procure a license to operate (Council of Outdoor Recreation
Associations of New Zealand, 2002). The perception of risk is suf?cient for informants, as
dramatic constructions of high-risk activities dominante their narrations
These informants use a similar framework to narrate their stories, to that researched in
high-risk consumption (Celsi et al., 1993), but for a low-risk activity. This perception of risk
appears real to these informants and convinces themthat the risk is ‘‘real’’ for themand it is a
central theme in their narrations. This result reiterates the interplay between a psychological
and a sociological interpretation of the informant phenomenon under investigation. Using
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informant narratives gives a particularly rich insight into the meaning of these experiences –
a subjective rather than an objective reality is highlighted.
Another theme that emerges from analysis of these rehearsed accounts is the in?uence of
community. Immediate family were often indicated as the ?rst group that would have the
stories recounted to them. However, when further questioned, one informant noted that:
My family probably will not understand what a bungy jump is, I will have to explain it to thembut all
my friends will know . . . My parents will think I am crazy but my friends will think I am cool.
Several other similar quotes mirror this one, indicating a clear difference in the informant’s
mind relating to the recipient of their story, this extends to the purpose of recounting the
story. Some respondents readily revealed that they would be ‘‘sexing up’’ the version of their
experience that they told to their friends back home so they would be more impressed. Most
accounts included factual markers such as speci?c height (134 m) and it being the second
highest bungy in the world.
Research on the concept of ‘‘cool’’ suggests that a generation, ‘‘My friends will think I am
cool’’, share this cool. The subsequent generation actively rejects any facet of consumption
that the former generation valued (Pountain and Robins, 2000). The previous generation’s
de?nition of ‘‘cool’’ is actively rejected in favor of a shared, separate, exclusive
understanding as is demonstrated by this quote. Of course this informant’s parents will
think he is crazy because they do not share his construction of ‘‘cool’’ that his friends do. His
friends’, as part of Generation Y will share his construction of ‘‘cool’’. Cool is part of the
reaction of the informant’s home community to his or her story.
Use of technology
Informants use a wide range of technology to communicate their story to their home
community, matching their Generation Ypro?le of assimilating many forms of technology into
the many areas of their life. Very few are using just the written words to tell their story. The
sizable distance between these informants and their home communities does not appear to
be a barrier. Interestingly, the use of technology such as mailing lists for e-mails, to
disseminate their stories means giving only one version of the story to multiple audiences
such as friends fromuniversity, work and home; hence contradicting the earlier noted theory
that the story varies dependent upon the audience. One informant in the ?lmgroups together
her family, friends from home, friends from work and friends from university.
Markers or props
Performance is an issue when consumers narrate these stories to their home communities.
The communities have not shared the experiences but the informants expect that the
audience will have some knowledge of bungy jumping. Therefore these markers that
symbolize the consumption are also a prop to aid the performance of this story. As ?ndings
section identi?es these markers or props include videos, photos, t-shirts and certi?cates.
If Fox’s (1987) work on soft and hard core punks is related to these informant’s attitudes
towards the markers they have purchased and their intended use, then a framework using
the terms hard and soft core could be used to understand their behavior. A distinct
difference occurs between those informants who will wear their t-shirts fromthe moment they
are received in comparison to those who will never wear their t-shirts. Similarly informants
indicated a range of behavior of how the videos will be used; some informants intend to
broadcast to everyone, others are using intermediaries to disseminate information on their
behalf, and those who note that the video will probably go in the bottom drawer and not see
the ‘‘light of day again.
These props are an aid narration and the development of a continuum may be a useful
analysis tool to understand their use. At one end of the continuumare the informants who will
be broadcasting their videos, faming their pictures, proudly wearing their t-shirts and telling
everyone they meet about their jump, using Fox’s (1987) terms, these informants are
members of the ‘‘soft core’’.
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Next would be those who are having a party on their return to their communities where the
video and photos will be showing but as a secondary part of the event, available but not
actively promoted. These informants decry blatant exhibitionism.
In the middle of the scale are those informants who give their props to others to disseminate,
by sending of videos and photos to families to watch and wait for reaction or prompts to tell
their stories. This group might put their photos on private display for close community only,
such as bedroomwall or a family photo album, as one informant said, ‘‘to showmy kids I was
cool once’’.
At the other end of the continuum are the informants who consider these props ‘‘uncool’’ or
‘‘cheesy’’ (but have still purchased them!). Those who consider they will never watch the
video, or perhaps watch the video by themselves in a few years as a memory aid. Or
consider their certi?cate is not valuable as one informant says, ‘‘not a degree certi?cate or
anything important’’. No active promotion of the bungy jump will occur; these informants
tend to re?ect more on the consumption as an internalized event rather than an external one,
as comments such as the following re?ect, ‘‘I know I did it and I think it is cool.’’
Future research
The construction of the story is merely the ?rst step. The informant is very aware and
interested in his or her home community’s reaction to their story. Some believe that it will
reinforce the image that his community’s already has of him. As noted by Jim, his friends
back home already think he is a crazy guy and his story about this bungy jump will only
reinforce that image. An image with which he is quite comfortable! Others are positively
anticipating narrating their stories. Future research includes investigating reactions to these
stories with relation to themes already developed here. These stories in video form will be
sent to groups of Generation Y informants in America, UK, and Ireland to investigate their
response to the stories.
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About the author
Shelagh Ferguson is currently a Lecturer in Marketing Management at the University of
Otago, New Zealand. Her research interests include adventure tourism, consumer theory
and culture, consumption communities within society and interpretive and ethnographic
research methods. She has published in Advances in Consumer Research (Asia Paci?c and
European) and the International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy. Her videography ?lm
has been shown at the Asia Paci?c ACR Film Festival. Shelagh Ferguson can be contacted
at:[email protected]
VOL. 5 NO. 4 2011
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