Description
The present paper is part of a study associated with the migration phenomenon and the
formation of intercultural social and economic relations which emerged in Italy in the nineteenth century
and its practical and social implications in the twenty-first century. The city of Trieste, Italy consists of a
case study which examines the formation of organizational networks in the Mediterranean and in Europe
which consist of the basic body of the so called Greek commercial dispersion.
Design/methodology/approach – This study presents data collected from the
International Journal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research
Organizational networks, migration, and intercultural relations in Trieste, Italy
Evgenia Bitsani Androniki Kavoura
Article information:
To cite this document:
Evgenia Bitsani Androniki Kavoura, (2011),"Organizational networks, migration, and intercultural relations in Trieste, Italy", International
J ournal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research, Vol. 5 Iss 1 pp. 26 - 37
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Organizational networks, migration, and
intercultural relations in Trieste, Italy
Evgenia Bitsani and Androniki Kavoura
Abstract
Purpose – The present paper is part of a study associated with the migration phenomenon and the
formation of intercultural social and economic relations which emerged in Italy in the nineteenth century
and its practical and social implications in the twenty-?rst century. The city of Trieste, Italy consists of a
case study which examines the formation of organizational networks in the Mediterranean and in Europe
which consist of the basic body of the so called Greek commercial dispersion.
Design/methodology/approach – This study presents data collected from the analysis of archival
documents. It is part of the scienti?c ?eld of social anthropology and is a case study where participative
observation was employed. Interviews with people offered the researchers ground to explain the
purposes and reasons for the implementation of decisions related to the creation of the organizational
networks.
Findings – The article discusses the relation between the national group with its unique cultural identity
and entrepreneurship, emphasizing the cultural characteristics of such relation. The consequences from
the existence of these networks in all sectors of the life of the community of these areas are investigated.
To a third level of discussion, the mapping and analysis of the cultural interactions which emerged as a
result of these networks shaping an integrated cultural identity is examined.
Originality/value – The project succeeds in making a theoretical and practical contribution to the way
the development of organizational networks presented for Trieste, Italy can consist of a typical recourse
for other areas of the Mediterranean where cultures and identities intermingle nowadays and migration
and policy directions need to be implemented.
Keywords Entrepreneurialism, Dispersions, Organizational structures, Cultural synergy, Immigration
Paper type Research paper
1. The theoretical framework of the research
Networks consist of a system of relations which develop due to different factors, which
interrelate with one another, through a common channel of communication. Through these
relations, ?ow of information emerges as well as services and resources (Beriatos, 1999;
Bitsani et al., 2008). Organizational networks are characterized from the element of
co-operation among ‘‘partners’’ who represent a speci?c geographical space as well as
legal entities, public or private. Speci?cally, for the area of the Mediterranean Sea, they
consist of the dominant analytic framework of history of commercial business (Gekas, 2005).
With the dynamic and forceful states which were created in the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries in Europe and in South East Asia in the nineteenth century, new sources of funding
were created, mainly through commercial exchanges. Under these circumstances, speci?c
groups were activated from different international minorities such as Jewish and Chinese
who quickly responded to the needs of commercialization of goods and this is still the case
nowadays (Danos, 2006). This is a complex issue for which economic or cultural
explanations are not enough (Casson, 1990). The close relation between the national group
and entreprereneurship has been highlighted from relevant literature. Enterprise activity
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VOL. 5 NO. 1 2011, pp. 26-37, Q Emerald Group Publishing Limited, ISSN 1750-6182 DOI 10.1108/17506181111111735
Evgenia Bitsani is based in
the Department of
Management of Health and
Welfare Unit and Androniki
Kavoura is based in the
Department of Marketing
and Advertising, both at the
Technological Educational
Institute of Athens, Aigaleo,
Greece.
Received: November 2009
Revised: December 2009
Accepted: February 2010
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depended on familial and on national networks, which assured capital, social and
psychological security and technical knowledge.
The concept of commercial entrepreneurship depended on economic theory. According to
the speci?c approach, the meaning of business entrepreneurship is illustrated by the
Austrian School of Hayek and Kirzner, who focus their interest on the way private information
is used in the competitive procedure of the market so that balanced tendencies are created,
especially in markets which are subject to continuous ?uctuations. According to this
approach, businessmen function as mediators aiming at the pro?t which is mainly assured in
the abnormal conditions of the market (Godley, 2001), while the national teams adapt to the
possibilities that the new environment has to offer which differ in time and space. That is why
it is interesting to focus on the mutual relationship between the national dispersed group and
entrepreneurship (Chatziioannou, 2003).
On the other hand, the meaning of networks has been a necessary tool for the study of
national groups and businesses. Networks as an analytic tool were used in sociology and
social psychology in the 1930s to de?ne a typology of interpersonal relations, which led to
the formation of the ‘‘clique’’. In the 1950s, sociologists from Harvard and anthropologists
from the School of Manchester processed the informal, intercultural relationship which
developed in the networks even with mathematical types. Research for cliques, groups
(e.g. cliques, clusters, and blocks) quickly led to the empirical discovery that these systems
consisted of coherent subgroups which formed relationships through con?ict and the
exercise of power (Scott, 1991; Wellman and Berkowitz, 1988).
Discussion around economic activities emphasize the signi?cance of trust which develops
especially in small networks. A basic function of the network is the ?ow of information which
develops among members, a characteristic which may have more importance from the
movement of products. Social bonds which support the networks decrease the cost of the
same information, while at the same time guaranteeing their validity. This perspective, which
concerns the cost of information, emphasizes the social basis of the economic activity; they
are the private networks of the family, within which are the ethical education and technical
skill of the members. The basic elements of ethical education are summarised in the respect
towards the elderly and the more experienced. At the same time, transmission of commercial
knowledge is important within the same family.
Since the eighteenth century, the structure of family business and also its strategy, have
related closely to national and local ancestry and the traditions of the new venue. Multiple
motives for change, such as psychological, economic, religious, will seek endogamy within
the local group and will determine the economic behaviour within the framework of craft
union. The geographical space of ancestry, that functions as the connecting bond and leads
to the society of ancestry, consists of the reference and psychological boost, the place of
social security and ful?lment, the ?rst source of economic knowledge. The evaluation of
cultural standards in the social composition of national groups has been discussed in the
literature: a number of people believe that they belong to a national team either because of a
virtue, or because of a real or assumed common ancestry (Casson, 1997, p. 117;
Kitromilides, 1989; Shibutani and Kwan, 1965).
The reproduction, the evolution and the development of network are the most important
parameters of entrepreneurship. The knowledge of these parameters takes place with
apprenticeship through the of?ces of business establishments. Within these establishments,
tacit knowledge is transmitted in combination with the essential technical knowledge, the
merchandise, the means of exchange function, the correct use of bookkeeping, elements
which bring the apprentice in contact with the mechanisms of the market but also with the
moral standards of public and private behaviour. Bookkeeping from merchants of the
commercial correspondence, of the exchange archives (shipping bills, bills, insurance
policies) followed the same typical procedure for a long period with few differences. The
business textbooks and letter cards present a consistent typology not only in time from the
eighteenth till the nineteenth century, but also in different languages. Merchant
apprenticeship passed through stages, scriveners of different grades, such as underlings
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and mates, up to the last stage of apprenticeship where the apprentice was awarded his
professional and social position (Papageorgiou, 1986).
Knowledge and reproduction of business behavior within the national network safeguarded
economic and social security in its members. At the same time, the protection of the network
could be tight for the members who decided to abandon a commercial career. Inclusion in
the network because of national, religious and local ancestry functioned as a security shield
since the powerful members of the group offered economic and social protection (Bitsani
and D’Arcangeli, 2009).
On the other hand, personal and group identity refers to the ancestry of each one; identities
are shaped through the interrelation with the others (Kiriakidis, 2008, p. 2014; Lytras, 1998),
which nowadays have been multiplied because of globalization (Kavoura, 2007). That is why
there is emphasis on the distinctiveness and multiplicity of identities, all of which claim their
position in society. Nowadays, quality of life is associated with indices which refer to the
dimensions of health, education, environmental quality, economy, social schemes and social
security, social participation and personal satisfaction (Berg, 1998). Thus, public security
and discipline depend on the harmonious symbiosis of the different groups. They have
speci?cities and different cultures, yet they live in the same space.
The aimof this research focuses on examining the way entrepreneurship activity through the
commercial channel of dispersion may in?uence a speci?c culture, using as a case study the
Greek community in Trieste, Italy and how the cultural interrelationships of the Greek
merchants in Trieste, Italy are employed in every day life, in the people’s communication, and
contribute to the quality of life (Goffman, 1974, 1975). People not only are in?uenced by their
culture but also they construct it, build it, elaborate it with different strategies according to
their needs and circumstances (Kiriakidis, 2008, p. 2213). Intercultural orientation consists
of another way to analyse the cultural variety, not through cultural characteristics which are
considered to be independent situations and homogeneous entities but through interactions
based on the logic of variety and complexity and not on differences (Balandier, 1985). The
intercultural approach does not have as an objective the aim to determine the other,
con?ning him/her within a network of meanings, nor to create a series of comparisons based
on an ethnocentric scale. Through such a perspective, cultural differences and similarities
are determined, not as objective standards with statistical character, but as powerful
relations between two entities where one attributes meaning to the other
(Abdallah-Pretceille, 1986). The paper focuses on dynamics and strategies rather than on
structures and categories.
2. Research method
After the Second World War in?uences between social anthropology and history were many
and mutual; the in?uences which emerged from the convergence of these two scienti?c
branches are mainly detected in methodology. The ?rst anthropological projects which deal
more methodically with the incorporataion of historiographic practice took place in the
1970s. In most cases, these are anthropological projects which focus on the demonstration
of social change and deal with the agricultural communities of Europe (Block, 1974;
Silverman, 1979).
In the 1980s, the issue of the relation of history and anthropology had new dimensions. New
explicit models are formed which give meaning to the methodological emphasis to the action
of subjects, while with new de?nitions of social experience and social practice the approach
of history from anthropology is being reoriented (Dimitriou-Kotsoni, 1996).
This study is a case study. In particular, the study is part of the larger study, ‘‘Administration
of social services in multicultural societies, contemporary approaches of the intercultural
relations and of the intercultural education: the case of Goritzia-Trieste-Komotinis-Thessalonikis’’
within the framework of co-operation with the Facolta` di Scienze della formazione Universita`
degli Studi dell’Aquila, Via Giovanni Di Vincenzo 67100, L’ Aquila Italia (n.d.). Case studies
provide the possibility for identifying patterns of concepts that emerge (Yin, 1989, p. 33).
This study presents data collected fromthe analysis of archival documents including original
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archival documents from the library of Trieste, Italy (Biblioteca civica), the archives of the
Greek community there, archives of the Stock Market-the Chamber of Commerce there
(Borsa), as well as the archives of the Greek embassy in Italy, so that the commercial
entrepreneurship in the area could be examined longitudinally. In that way, the results which
emerge from the archives, the texts and the historic records for the speci?c society
contribute to further research.
Meanwhile, due to the fact that research is part of the scienti?c ?eld of social anthropology
and is a case study, participative observation is employed and interviews with people who
offer the researchers ground to explain the purposes and reasons for the implementation of
decisions related to the creation of the organizational networks, such as members of both
Greek and Italian communities, businessmen, of?cials, the president of the Greek
community in Trieste, Italy, the president of the Chamber of Commerce, the president of the
Greek-Italian Chamber of Commerce and the mayor of Trieste, Italy.
Besides, the researchers conduct interviews with businessmen of Greek ancestry and
present testimonies of members of the Greek community, and of Italians, so that the
intercultural character of the city is con?rmed. On these grounds, a system of relations
interacts and is shared by a group, past or the experience of migration. In particular, open
interviews in the frame of discussion took place during 2008 and 2009 and duplication
checks of the results from the ?eld study, the notes from the archives and the results which
emerged from participant observation. In order to understand the national group and
entrepreneurship, there are three factors which interact: the structures of opportunities
(market conditions), the characteristics of the group (selective migration, culture, creation of
social networks), group strategy (relations of opportunities and national characteristics),
which develop at different periods of routes followed by merchants-businessmen who
moved towards Trieste. The combination of ?eld participant observation at a concurrent level
with historic research from the available archival sources and at the same time, the use of
these resources for the checking of data of ?eld research, restores the dialectic relation
between past and present. In that way, concurrent research records social behaviours and
interprets their cultural meaning, while, at the same time, by adopting the historic
perspective a time frame inserts the system of relations, determining, through the
continuities and discontinuities of the society under study, the dimensions of social change
(Douglas, 1992).
A diverse range of sources is searched in order to verify the results from multiple sources of
data employing ‘‘triangulation’’, as Maxwell mentions, and thus ‘‘gain a better assessment of
the validity of the explanations’’ (Maxwell, 1996, pp. 75-76). Interpretive phenomenology is a
method which permits the identi?cation of themes – a statement of meaning that runs
through all or most of the pertinent data or one in the minority that carries heavy emotional or
factual impact (Holstein and Gubrium, 1998, p. 150; Murray and Chamberlain, 1999, p. 220).
Issues, that emerge in the data and are repeated, create patterns for the research. Then,
themes are headed under the umbrella of a super-ordinate theme, a theme that incorporates
many sub-themes. The ?rst issue that the results brought forth is the signi?cance of the
Greek entrepreneurship in Trieste, Italy. The second issue which emerges from the research
is associated with the cultural in?uences of the Greek business dispersion.
3. Main results
3.1 Greek entrepreneurship in Trieste, Italy
In the axis of ground forces, the Apsvourgian Empire is equivalent in power to that of the
British Empire, in the sense of the institutionally organised geopolitical space, which
includes different population groups of merchants-businessmen in a homogeneous
economic and political environment. The ground merchant networks depend on the
transmission of agricultural raw materials of animal husbandry and of cottage industry. The
movement of the migrants who followed the ground routes of the Ottoman Empire was mainly
to cities of Macedonia, Epirus and Thessaly as destinations which were economic centres of
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the Balkans and of Central Europe. The presence of Greeks in these routes, but also in the
organisation of ground merchandise was of great signi?cance (Charlafti, 1993).
At a period when the limits between being a driver or merchant were not stable in ground
routes, selective settings could be established in major civil merchant centres. In the Roman
Empire, the meaning of limes emerges, as frontiers (Nouzille, 1991, pp. 255-256). A
well-established route led from Moschopolis to Thessaloniki, then to Zemoun and to
Boudapest. The entrepreneurhsip horizon of ground migrations was more con?ned in
combination with that of sea migrations. Sea movement offers big possibilities of capital
gathering with the prerequisite that the merchant captain would participate in the merchant
capital and in the pro?t, offering the ship and the movement. The drivers (carriers) of the
ground routes do not seem to play the same role in the merchant exchanges. In the ground
routes businessmen do not followthe standards of the sea transfer which led many Greeks to
ship-owner activities (Charlafti, 2001).
The place where sojourners stayed is of importance for the transformation of their
businesses. The feudal order in Hungary with the ‘‘Roman’’ type social strati?cation, within
the political cluster of the Abvourgian monarchy, hindered modernisation in the economy of
place for a long period (Kasaba, 1988). With the motive of the development of agrarian and
husbandry products from Hungarian areas and their merchant feed from Austria, many
Balkan merchants will move to the Austrohungarian area, for which Stoianovich has mainly
suggested non-economic evaluation criteria such as ideology, alliances, leading ability,
education etc. (Stoianovich, 1992).
The ?rst Greeks who inhabited Trieste came there in 1718, during the treaties of Pasarovits;
all foreign merchants were allowed to develop economic activities in the geographical space
of the Apsvourgian Empire with favourable conditions (Bitsani and D’Arcangeli, 2009). From
this point onwards and throughout the eighteenth century, Greek presence in Trieste
develops rapidly, which coincides with the urban planning of the city (Katsiardi-Hering,
1986). Trieste, a new city, in 1718 was in a position to absorb quite easily the foreign
population in contrast with other neighbouring commercial centres such as Venice, which
began to compete with it until it surpassed it at the end of the eighteenth century.
In 1719, the emperor Charles VI declared it together with Fioume (Rijeka) as a free port. The
core of the new city was built in the foothills of San Giusto (where the medieval city is
located), when Maria Theresa was the queen, after the alluvium of the salterns and the city
slowly expanded surrounding the port[1].
Greek sojourners mainly come from the Ionian islands, Peloponnese, Crete, Cyprus,
Konstantinoupole and Smirni and in the beginning were doing business as retail merchants
(History of the Greeks, 2005). In the passage of time, they succeed in more daring activities
owing to the international circumstances, such as the Treaty of Kioutsouk Kainartzi (1774),
according to which Greek ships could get permission to travel under the Russian ?ag.
Besides, the Napoleonic wars (1790-1815) and the isolation of France from the British Navy
create a huge gap for the merchandise in the East Mediterranean, which was substituted, by
the Greek ship-owners and the merchants from the islands and west coast, either unlawfully
or lawfully (Katsiardi-Hering, 1986, pp. 539-46). The port of Trieste after 1815 becomes a
great merchant centre, since it consists of the ‘‘connecting bond’’ between East and West,
due to its strategic position between Levante (Zante) and Central Europe. In the nineteenth
century, the port of Trieste is connected with many other ports opening up new sea
co-operations which create a wide organizational network covering the whole of Europe. In
particular, coastal business routes were carried out with those business routes of the
Western Balkans, such as Ragouza, Preveza, Galaksidi, and with the Ionian islands in
Greece (Katsiardi-Hering, 1986).
After the foundation of the Greek state, Trieste, is connected with newmerchant centres such
as Patras, Kalamata and Hermoupolis, Greece. The merchant co-operations are of
equivalent signi?cance with Ottoman (Turkish) centres, such as Konstantinoupole, Smirni,
Tsesme, as well as with the islands of the Eastern Aegean such as Chios, a region from
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where came most merchants of the Greek community in Trieste. A signi?cant merchant
partner was Alexandria, Egypt with which was connected in 1837 (Katsiardi-Hering, 1986).
With every merchant centre with which Trieste was connected, Greek merchandise was
dominant and this had as a result the development of bigger co-operations increasing the
richness and the power of the community of Trieste (Bitsani and D’Arcangeli, 2009). This fact
is illustrated by the number of Greek ship-owners who came in the port, which were second
to the Austrian (Katsiardi-Hering, 1986). Gradually, they developed partnerships which were
mainly personal family-oriented businesses based in Smirni, Konstantinoupole, Chios,
Crete, Peloponnese, Epirus or Vienna, Odissos, Livorno, Marseilles, London and later in New
York. The contribution of Greeks was embryonic in the industrial life of Trieste till the
mid-nineteenth century. The only sample of such Greek contribution was illustrated with the
tradecrafts of red dyeing strings according to the Levantine art, soap industries, laboratories
for the production of the drink rosoglio at a period when the mill of the Oikonomou family
reached its highest point in 1875, when 350 craftsmen worked there. In the same period,
Greek merchants are stock holders in cotton-spinning mills, re?neries, emery factories,
chaferies, etc[2].
The insurance industry is where Greeks excel even nowadays. In 1789 the ?rst Greek
insurance company (Societa` Grecadi Assicurazioni) was established, and others followed
where Greeks participated with the majority or with a huge capital (Compagnia
d’Assicuratori Particolari/1801, Stabilimento d’Assicurazioni/1804). In other businesses
(Amici Assicuratori/1801, Nuova Compagnia d’ Assicurazioni/1822) the cooperation of
Greeks with ‘‘Illirious’’ was de?nite. In the business sector, the obstacles which created the
separation of the community in 1782 could not be seen, as well as religious reasons which
did not suspend the cooperation with Hebrews, which is obvious in the security and the bank
sector[3].
In 1826, Angelos Yannikesis from Zante established Adriatico Banco d’ Assicurazioni, while
in 1838 due to his efforts the famous Insurance business Riunione Adriatica di Siturta` was
created with the majority of the capital coming from Greeks but also from Hebrews, Italians,
Austrians till after the First World War. This was also the case for the big insurance business
of Assicurazioni Generali where Hebrews from Trieste and the area of Venice, Austrians and
Germans, Italians from Trento, Greeks (Rallis, Skaramagas, Stamatis among them) and
Serbs from Dalmatia[4].
It was after 1850 that a Greek aristocracy of merchants is in charge of business and industry
of Trieste, while the Greek population there amounts to 5,000 people and many Greeks of
Trieste also develop commercial activities in Greece. The Greek Kiriakos Katraros had the
initiative for the creation of the stock market of Trieste which was created by Greeks and he
became its ?rst president. Greeks who covered the 28 percent of the capital will have two
more presidents in the stock market of Trieste, Antonio Dimitriou in 1905 till 1911 and Ioannis
Skaramagas from 1914 till 1916. There are only a few of the most af?uent Greek business
merchants, who nevertheless are distinguished for their cultural sensitivities and activities
such as Amvrosios, Rallis, Alexander Manousis, Konstantinou Chatzikonsta, Paul Ralli and
George Afentoulis.
There are also the Skaramaga and Stavropoulos families. The families of Skaramaga were
fromChios, and have proved to be competent in organizational management (Pagnini, n.d.).
Their activities are geographically located in Austria, Hungary and Russia. In the middle of
the nineteenth century, part of the Skaramaga family came to Trieste and becomes part of
the Austrian aristocracy cycle and attains the title of Altomonte[5]. Paul Rallis (1845-1907),
who attained the title of baron, had developed a famous business activity while he
contributed in various ways to the community. Meanwhile, Trieste reaches the number of
24,000 inhabitants in 1800, 4 percent of whomwere Greeks, from10,000 inhabitants in 1700.
Trieste was under three French Commands (1797, 1805 and 1809). Greeks succeeded in
creating the ?rst insurance business and, up to the present, Trieste has been the centre of
insurances. There were 15 insurance businesses between 1805 and 1807, four of which
belonged to Greeks. In the twenty-?rst century, Riunione Adriatica di Sicurta` , the General
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Insurance Businesses of Trieste, still have their headquarters in Trieste but also Greek
merchant and insurance businesses. Some tankers and container ships reach the port due
to the crisis in the ground routes of the Balkans.
3.2 Cultural in?uences of the Greek business dispersion
Cultural in?uences of the Greek business dispersion is the second issue which emerges
from the research. The economic development of the Greek community results in the
creation of an important social and spiritual work (personal interviews with the president of
the Greek community Mr Kosmidis and the distinguished member of the community and Mr
Cuccagna, president of the Non Pro?t Institution Skaramagas, in 2008 and results from the
participant observation throughout 2008). Trieste is a city that takes the initiative of
supporting different cultural values and their diffusion. Through the diffusion of language,
education and culture Italians, Greeks, Jews, Germans, Slovaks, preserve and stabilise their
presence in Trieste.
Tangible works of the cultural in?uence of the Greeks can be seen in the port, the building of
the Greek community Palazzo Carciotti and the Greek Orthodox temple of the Holy Spirit and
Saint Nikolas. A few meters away the canal is located and there lies the catholic temple of
Saint Antonios and the Serb Orthodox temple of Saint Spiridonas. Piazza Tommaseo, the
Provincial Command post, the old building of Lloyd Triestino on the left and right hand side of
the big piazza Unita` d’Italia surrounded by the City Hall and the General Insurances building
of Trieste (Assicurazioni Generali) which was the old residence of Nikolaou Strati (casa Strati)
which was built in 1824 (Volume ‘‘Arte e Pieta, I patrimoni culturali delle opere pie’’, 1980).
The merchants and the economy with which they were associated put their mark on the
character of the city. Trieste is the city of multilingualism, multiculturalism and mixed
marriages is a solution for young couples and complaisance is the case. It is to this distinct
identity, the so called triestinita` , that we owe the rich literature production of Trieste such as
Italo Svevo or Umberto Saba.
With regard to the Greek community, the Church consists of the connecting bond – among
Greek schools and Greek libraries. A determining step immediately afterwards was the
creation of the ?rst Greek school in 1801 and of the Library which even nowadays is the most
signi?cant that Hellenism has created abroad. One may ?nd in the library the issues of the
newspaper New Day published in Trieste since 1855. Unique masterpieces are printed in
Trieste, old publications and few printed material of religious content. In particular, there are
the Argonautika of Apollonius Rhodius (Frankfourt ,1546) and the publication of Geoponikou
Agapiou Landou (Venetiou, 1686). Rare works of Byzantine writers, theologians, classical
scholars and historians such as the Divine Mass of John Christomos (Venice, 1644), the
Myriobiblos of Fotios (Magentia, 1653), the Chronicles of John Zonara (Venice, 1729) and
the Hexabiblos of Konstantinos Armenopoulos (Venice, 1766). Other important works are the
book for the holy and saint of Gabrihl Seviros (Venice, 1691) the Treasure of four languages
of Gerasimos Vlachos (Venice, 1723), Geography of Meletios Mitros (Venice, 1728), the
History of Byzantium of Ioannis Stanos (Venice, 1767) and the Church History of Meletios
Mitros (Venice, 1783-1795). The richness of the library contributed to the Economian Award.
Since 1882, the library has been enriched from the books that were sent in the Committee of
the Economian Endowment for participating in the prize up to the Second World War. 1940
could be considered to be an arris. The library stopped being enriched (Papaioannou,
1982). After Margaritis Konstantinidis’ death (1933), interest in the library was shown by
Ioannis Skaramagas and Kleovoulos Kedros but also Konstantinos Pizanis, Emmanouil
Trakakis, Georgios Konstantinidis, Spuridon Nikolaidis and Evangelos Pantarrotas, who
willingly accepted the contribution offered by the Greek state through the Hellenic Institute in
Venice. Nowadays, according to the interview with Mr Kosmidis, the president of the Greek
community in 2008 aims to create a new library which could securely host the whole archival
material of the community[6].
The Museum and the Library are in perfect condition, open to the public, while the archives
and the Greek cemetery in Trieste have been preserved so that researchers may document
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the historic archives. The Greek School operates nowadays and a lot of Italians attend Greek
lessons offered by the Greek community.
Ioannis Skaramagas collected old artifacts, valuable pieces of art and, in general,
everything that was associated with the history of Trieste. His collection became known since
it was permanently enriched and ‘‘Fondazione’’ was converted to a museum which operates
nowadays. The Skaramaga Museum is run from a special committee of the Municipality of
Trieste. A member of the Board of the Greek community of Trieste participates as a member
and this member is elected from the Board of the Greek community of Trieste.
The personal passion of Socrates Stavropoulos for art and culture led to the setting up of
another big collection which formed a demanding museum housed in Via Imbriani.
Stavropoulos was born in Trieste in 1882. His father was Greek and his mother came from
Trieste. He studied business in Vienna and began to publish papers and research in the
magazines and newspapers of Trieste. He transmitted his business interests to Budapest,
where he built a company which produced paper and kept it till 1945. He began collecting
valuable books and pieces of art at the beginning of the century. The municipality of Trieste
showed interest in the preservation of his collection which took place in 1952 in the form of a
museum under the name Collezione including paintings, sculptures and designs of
European artists, mainly Hungarians of the twentieth century (personal interview with the
president of the Greek community Mr Kosmidis in 2008). Among the collections of the
above-mentioned museums and the other museums of the city of Trieste, there are many
works of art of Greek and Greek Italian artists who lived in the Greek community in Trieste.
This is the work of painter and poet Kaisara So?anopoulou (1889-1968), which was distinct.
There are three Greek museums in the city. The Strati residence in Trieste accommodates the
Town Museum of History and Art. The town had a Greek hospital during 1788-1822. Two
Greek schools were created, offering a new initiative for their age programme, since the
demotic language and the sciences were taught, courses which provide students with the
necessary knowledge for the practice of merchandise. The teaching of these courses
consisted of the application of the beliefs of Korais according to the education Greek
students should attain (Volume ‘‘Il Nuovo Giorno, La Comunita Greco-Orientale di Trieste:
Storia e patrimonio artistico-culturale’’, 1982).
Finally, within the framework of girls’ care in 1828 the Greek community established the
community school for girls. The Greek community was reinforced when migrants came
during the Greek revolution, who developed signi?cant merchant activity. Merchant activities
were the most essential way of participating in the economic life of the city, which is why
those abstaining had a serious problem of survival (Katsiardi-Hering, 1986, pp. 563-4). The
decline of the Greek community came with the end of the First World War and the annexation
of the city to the Italian state.
3.3 The organisation-administration of the Greek community in Trieste
The cultural standards of the businessman in the Empire of Austria-Hungary were connected
with ownership of land and titles of respect. Especially, in the Hungarian grounds, where a
big percentage of Greek merchants was gathered, the social synthesis of the
non-agricultural populations was mainly formed by the clergy, aristocracy, the inhabitants
of the free cities and depended on a complex administrative system (Smith, 2000).
A lot of information exists in the local and central archives of the states where Greek
emigrants gathered with regard to the organisation of the communities, the religious and
spiritual activities and their everyday life, which is kept in the Greek communities outside
Greece, such as Comunita` Greco Orientale di Trieste. Secretaries-General of the community,
and mainly Margaritis Konstantinidis, were responsible for keeping order in the ?les of the
archives. Katsiardi-Hering also contributes to the maintenance of the ?les.
Since 1750, the presence of the community has been associated with the presence of
Greeks in Trieste. People fromall over Greece came to leave their mark on the huge books of
Trieste where weddings, baptisms, deaths and burials of the people in the community are
recorded. The community has recorded its members on special boards since 1783. These
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catalogs, on the base of which contributions and fees for the community were collected,
provide a picture for the economic presence of the Greeks and it is of signi?cance for the
city. The multiple economic functions of the community cover the most part of the Archives.
Since the end of the eighteenth century up to the present receipts, documents, blocks and
?nancial statements have accompanied the bookkeeping of the community. There are also
interesting data for the behaviour of the community as an owner and capital holder and for
the history of building and housing for this great port of Adriatiki. The part of archives
associated with the banks and the movement of capital, underlines the involvement of the
communities in the more contemporary economic practices of their period.
The administration of the community as is seen from the deeds of meetings of the Parliament
and its assembly, as well as the ‘‘protocol’’, or the archives under the heading
‘‘correspondence’’, form the picture of a well-organised institution. The effort of detailed
and reliable registrations, not only for the economic but also for the administrative issues, is
also seen from the cemetery. There is rich informative material concerning the activities of
Greeks in Italy. Its thematic and temporal de?nition of such material is such, where its
equivalent in Greece does not exist, which may be explained from the difference in the
development of state bureaucracy and the culture of administration between the West
European states and the Ottoman Empire or the Greek reign in the nineteenth century and
opens up ways for the study of the Greek community. There is speci?city in the religious
practice in Trieste encompassing the community practices towards priests and the strict
programming of the devotional activities, as this is outlined in the communication of the
community with the priest. Teaching of the Greek language and training of the young
members of the community are presented with the function of the community school, from
1801 till 1930. The documents of the school in combination with textbooks and the teaching
aid material comprise a valuable material for the historian of Greek education.
The archives of the community include old maps and plans such as that of Athens of 1837.
Nowadays, it is located in a specially designed space on the third ?oor of the building of the
community in Via III Novembre 6. Its most signi?cant part, the so called ‘‘Archives’’, the wills
of the donors, the registers of births and deaths are kept in the safe of the ?rst ?oor (Cassa
Forte). After its preservation and classi?cation, the publication of the catalog of the archives
is afoot. Owing to the multiple character and the parallel historic route of the city and the
Greek community, the archives represent valuable capital for the history of the community
and act as a bridge of communication of Greek scholars with the historians of other nations
of equivalent historic experience.
The Greek community functions under the Charter of 1786, which has not actually changed,
although there have been small changes and publications. The 12-member Parliament (Il
Capitolo), elected every two years from the General Assembly of Greek members of the
community, has the general advisory initiative for the administration of the issues of the
community, the executive power passing to the three Commissioners elected by its
members. There are documents of the organisation of the community of the Greeks from
their point of departure (which was mainly the Ionian and the Aegean, the coast of the
Peloponnese and Asia Minor) but also the tradition of the religious communities and parishes
of the Catholic Austria (personal interview with Mr Cuccagna president of the Non-Pro?t
Institution Skaramagas in 2008; personal interview with Mr Lagouvardos, member of the
Administrative Committee of the Non-Pro?t Institution Skaramagas in 2008; Il Capitolo,
1786).
4. Conclusion: The intercultural identity of the city
The contemporary scholar of Trieste Elio Apin wrote in 1968, ‘‘Trieste has been to a greater
degree than Vienna the city where populations of monarchy felt like it was their own’’. Trieste
is the city loved by James Joyce, who stayed in the old town at the beginning of the twentieth
century and learned to speak Greek from a Greek under the name of Santos. It is the city
where multilingualism and multiculturalism are the rule, the mixed marriages the common
solution and quite obvious the tolerance (with some exceptions with regard to the Slovenian
issue) towards the different culture. Trieste was and is rich in contrasts which could not be
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resolved. It does not have a central base nor a unitary system of values. Since it has become
a free port, Trieste owes an important part of its af?uence to the interest shown by the state to
the development of the city and the boost which was given to it from the af?uence of Trieste.
The port of Venice and the border geopolitical location of Trieste do not allow a big
development to take place to such a degree that tradition maintains hopes for the older
generation and expectations for the younger generation for the revival of the glorious past
under the Empire of Austria-Hungary (personal interview with Mr Cuccagna, president of the
Non-Pro?t Institution Skaramagas in 2008).
The dissolution of the Empire of Austria-Hungary represented for Trieste its point of decline
and its population immobility. After the shrinkage caused by the Second World War, Trieste
and the few Greeks tried to be incorporated within the new orientations of the city. According
to Mr Cuccagna (personal interview with the president of the Non-Pro?t Institution
Skaramagas in 2008) another reason for the city’s decay is its severance from the country
which has belonged, since the Second World War, to Yugoslavia – the area of Istria which
belongs nowadays to Slovenia and to Croatia with the prevalence of socialism there and the
declaration of the Cold War. The fate of the Greek community is an extremely sensitive point:
the community will be stuck in the past as a museumised item, which will decrease till it ?nally
dies or new innovations emerge, changing many things from the present established order
of the community.
Communities in Trieste, Italy such as the German and Greek managed to preserve to a
signi?cant degree their cultural heritage and values since they did not refer to it as opposed
to, but as supplementary to, the Italian culture and, within this model of intercultural relations,
not only have they created diglossy but also a double culture, an intercultural one which
shows how well people of different cultures may live together. In contrast, the belief in the
Slovenian (Istrian) community is that the distinct lingual and cultural identity may only be
preserved through the preservation of national identity; otherwise, the only way is towards
social and cultural Italian pressure of assimilation. Trieste, Italy can consist of a typical
recourse for other areas of the Mediterranean where cultures and identities intermingle with
migration and policy directions need to be implemented so that people who migrate to live in
another country are not treated as tourists or visitors or as foreigners.
Notes
1. Archives of the Greek community, No 173.
2. Archives of Biblioteca Civica, Vol. II, III, IV.
3. Archives of the Greek community, File 1.
4. Archives of the Stock Market-the Chamber Commerce ‘‘Borsa’’, File 91.
5. Archives of the Stock Market-the Chamber Commerce ‘‘Borsa’’, File 1929/D /33.
6. Library of the Greek community, 21/31.
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Corresponding author
Evgenia Bitsani can be contacted at: [email protected]
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doc_522503243.pdf
The present paper is part of a study associated with the migration phenomenon and the
formation of intercultural social and economic relations which emerged in Italy in the nineteenth century
and its practical and social implications in the twenty-first century. The city of Trieste, Italy consists of a
case study which examines the formation of organizational networks in the Mediterranean and in Europe
which consist of the basic body of the so called Greek commercial dispersion.
Design/methodology/approach – This study presents data collected from the
International Journal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research
Organizational networks, migration, and intercultural relations in Trieste, Italy
Evgenia Bitsani Androniki Kavoura
Article information:
To cite this document:
Evgenia Bitsani Androniki Kavoura, (2011),"Organizational networks, migration, and intercultural relations in Trieste, Italy", International
J ournal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research, Vol. 5 Iss 1 pp. 26 - 37
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Organizational networks, migration, and
intercultural relations in Trieste, Italy
Evgenia Bitsani and Androniki Kavoura
Abstract
Purpose – The present paper is part of a study associated with the migration phenomenon and the
formation of intercultural social and economic relations which emerged in Italy in the nineteenth century
and its practical and social implications in the twenty-?rst century. The city of Trieste, Italy consists of a
case study which examines the formation of organizational networks in the Mediterranean and in Europe
which consist of the basic body of the so called Greek commercial dispersion.
Design/methodology/approach – This study presents data collected from the analysis of archival
documents. It is part of the scienti?c ?eld of social anthropology and is a case study where participative
observation was employed. Interviews with people offered the researchers ground to explain the
purposes and reasons for the implementation of decisions related to the creation of the organizational
networks.
Findings – The article discusses the relation between the national group with its unique cultural identity
and entrepreneurship, emphasizing the cultural characteristics of such relation. The consequences from
the existence of these networks in all sectors of the life of the community of these areas are investigated.
To a third level of discussion, the mapping and analysis of the cultural interactions which emerged as a
result of these networks shaping an integrated cultural identity is examined.
Originality/value – The project succeeds in making a theoretical and practical contribution to the way
the development of organizational networks presented for Trieste, Italy can consist of a typical recourse
for other areas of the Mediterranean where cultures and identities intermingle nowadays and migration
and policy directions need to be implemented.
Keywords Entrepreneurialism, Dispersions, Organizational structures, Cultural synergy, Immigration
Paper type Research paper
1. The theoretical framework of the research
Networks consist of a system of relations which develop due to different factors, which
interrelate with one another, through a common channel of communication. Through these
relations, ?ow of information emerges as well as services and resources (Beriatos, 1999;
Bitsani et al., 2008). Organizational networks are characterized from the element of
co-operation among ‘‘partners’’ who represent a speci?c geographical space as well as
legal entities, public or private. Speci?cally, for the area of the Mediterranean Sea, they
consist of the dominant analytic framework of history of commercial business (Gekas, 2005).
With the dynamic and forceful states which were created in the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries in Europe and in South East Asia in the nineteenth century, new sources of funding
were created, mainly through commercial exchanges. Under these circumstances, speci?c
groups were activated from different international minorities such as Jewish and Chinese
who quickly responded to the needs of commercialization of goods and this is still the case
nowadays (Danos, 2006). This is a complex issue for which economic or cultural
explanations are not enough (Casson, 1990). The close relation between the national group
and entreprereneurship has been highlighted from relevant literature. Enterprise activity
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VOL. 5 NO. 1 2011, pp. 26-37, Q Emerald Group Publishing Limited, ISSN 1750-6182 DOI 10.1108/17506181111111735
Evgenia Bitsani is based in
the Department of
Management of Health and
Welfare Unit and Androniki
Kavoura is based in the
Department of Marketing
and Advertising, both at the
Technological Educational
Institute of Athens, Aigaleo,
Greece.
Received: November 2009
Revised: December 2009
Accepted: February 2010
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depended on familial and on national networks, which assured capital, social and
psychological security and technical knowledge.
The concept of commercial entrepreneurship depended on economic theory. According to
the speci?c approach, the meaning of business entrepreneurship is illustrated by the
Austrian School of Hayek and Kirzner, who focus their interest on the way private information
is used in the competitive procedure of the market so that balanced tendencies are created,
especially in markets which are subject to continuous ?uctuations. According to this
approach, businessmen function as mediators aiming at the pro?t which is mainly assured in
the abnormal conditions of the market (Godley, 2001), while the national teams adapt to the
possibilities that the new environment has to offer which differ in time and space. That is why
it is interesting to focus on the mutual relationship between the national dispersed group and
entrepreneurship (Chatziioannou, 2003).
On the other hand, the meaning of networks has been a necessary tool for the study of
national groups and businesses. Networks as an analytic tool were used in sociology and
social psychology in the 1930s to de?ne a typology of interpersonal relations, which led to
the formation of the ‘‘clique’’. In the 1950s, sociologists from Harvard and anthropologists
from the School of Manchester processed the informal, intercultural relationship which
developed in the networks even with mathematical types. Research for cliques, groups
(e.g. cliques, clusters, and blocks) quickly led to the empirical discovery that these systems
consisted of coherent subgroups which formed relationships through con?ict and the
exercise of power (Scott, 1991; Wellman and Berkowitz, 1988).
Discussion around economic activities emphasize the signi?cance of trust which develops
especially in small networks. A basic function of the network is the ?ow of information which
develops among members, a characteristic which may have more importance from the
movement of products. Social bonds which support the networks decrease the cost of the
same information, while at the same time guaranteeing their validity. This perspective, which
concerns the cost of information, emphasizes the social basis of the economic activity; they
are the private networks of the family, within which are the ethical education and technical
skill of the members. The basic elements of ethical education are summarised in the respect
towards the elderly and the more experienced. At the same time, transmission of commercial
knowledge is important within the same family.
Since the eighteenth century, the structure of family business and also its strategy, have
related closely to national and local ancestry and the traditions of the new venue. Multiple
motives for change, such as psychological, economic, religious, will seek endogamy within
the local group and will determine the economic behaviour within the framework of craft
union. The geographical space of ancestry, that functions as the connecting bond and leads
to the society of ancestry, consists of the reference and psychological boost, the place of
social security and ful?lment, the ?rst source of economic knowledge. The evaluation of
cultural standards in the social composition of national groups has been discussed in the
literature: a number of people believe that they belong to a national team either because of a
virtue, or because of a real or assumed common ancestry (Casson, 1997, p. 117;
Kitromilides, 1989; Shibutani and Kwan, 1965).
The reproduction, the evolution and the development of network are the most important
parameters of entrepreneurship. The knowledge of these parameters takes place with
apprenticeship through the of?ces of business establishments. Within these establishments,
tacit knowledge is transmitted in combination with the essential technical knowledge, the
merchandise, the means of exchange function, the correct use of bookkeeping, elements
which bring the apprentice in contact with the mechanisms of the market but also with the
moral standards of public and private behaviour. Bookkeeping from merchants of the
commercial correspondence, of the exchange archives (shipping bills, bills, insurance
policies) followed the same typical procedure for a long period with few differences. The
business textbooks and letter cards present a consistent typology not only in time from the
eighteenth till the nineteenth century, but also in different languages. Merchant
apprenticeship passed through stages, scriveners of different grades, such as underlings
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and mates, up to the last stage of apprenticeship where the apprentice was awarded his
professional and social position (Papageorgiou, 1986).
Knowledge and reproduction of business behavior within the national network safeguarded
economic and social security in its members. At the same time, the protection of the network
could be tight for the members who decided to abandon a commercial career. Inclusion in
the network because of national, religious and local ancestry functioned as a security shield
since the powerful members of the group offered economic and social protection (Bitsani
and D’Arcangeli, 2009).
On the other hand, personal and group identity refers to the ancestry of each one; identities
are shaped through the interrelation with the others (Kiriakidis, 2008, p. 2014; Lytras, 1998),
which nowadays have been multiplied because of globalization (Kavoura, 2007). That is why
there is emphasis on the distinctiveness and multiplicity of identities, all of which claim their
position in society. Nowadays, quality of life is associated with indices which refer to the
dimensions of health, education, environmental quality, economy, social schemes and social
security, social participation and personal satisfaction (Berg, 1998). Thus, public security
and discipline depend on the harmonious symbiosis of the different groups. They have
speci?cities and different cultures, yet they live in the same space.
The aimof this research focuses on examining the way entrepreneurship activity through the
commercial channel of dispersion may in?uence a speci?c culture, using as a case study the
Greek community in Trieste, Italy and how the cultural interrelationships of the Greek
merchants in Trieste, Italy are employed in every day life, in the people’s communication, and
contribute to the quality of life (Goffman, 1974, 1975). People not only are in?uenced by their
culture but also they construct it, build it, elaborate it with different strategies according to
their needs and circumstances (Kiriakidis, 2008, p. 2213). Intercultural orientation consists
of another way to analyse the cultural variety, not through cultural characteristics which are
considered to be independent situations and homogeneous entities but through interactions
based on the logic of variety and complexity and not on differences (Balandier, 1985). The
intercultural approach does not have as an objective the aim to determine the other,
con?ning him/her within a network of meanings, nor to create a series of comparisons based
on an ethnocentric scale. Through such a perspective, cultural differences and similarities
are determined, not as objective standards with statistical character, but as powerful
relations between two entities where one attributes meaning to the other
(Abdallah-Pretceille, 1986). The paper focuses on dynamics and strategies rather than on
structures and categories.
2. Research method
After the Second World War in?uences between social anthropology and history were many
and mutual; the in?uences which emerged from the convergence of these two scienti?c
branches are mainly detected in methodology. The ?rst anthropological projects which deal
more methodically with the incorporataion of historiographic practice took place in the
1970s. In most cases, these are anthropological projects which focus on the demonstration
of social change and deal with the agricultural communities of Europe (Block, 1974;
Silverman, 1979).
In the 1980s, the issue of the relation of history and anthropology had new dimensions. New
explicit models are formed which give meaning to the methodological emphasis to the action
of subjects, while with new de?nitions of social experience and social practice the approach
of history from anthropology is being reoriented (Dimitriou-Kotsoni, 1996).
This study is a case study. In particular, the study is part of the larger study, ‘‘Administration
of social services in multicultural societies, contemporary approaches of the intercultural
relations and of the intercultural education: the case of Goritzia-Trieste-Komotinis-Thessalonikis’’
within the framework of co-operation with the Facolta` di Scienze della formazione Universita`
degli Studi dell’Aquila, Via Giovanni Di Vincenzo 67100, L’ Aquila Italia (n.d.). Case studies
provide the possibility for identifying patterns of concepts that emerge (Yin, 1989, p. 33).
This study presents data collected fromthe analysis of archival documents including original
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archival documents from the library of Trieste, Italy (Biblioteca civica), the archives of the
Greek community there, archives of the Stock Market-the Chamber of Commerce there
(Borsa), as well as the archives of the Greek embassy in Italy, so that the commercial
entrepreneurship in the area could be examined longitudinally. In that way, the results which
emerge from the archives, the texts and the historic records for the speci?c society
contribute to further research.
Meanwhile, due to the fact that research is part of the scienti?c ?eld of social anthropology
and is a case study, participative observation is employed and interviews with people who
offer the researchers ground to explain the purposes and reasons for the implementation of
decisions related to the creation of the organizational networks, such as members of both
Greek and Italian communities, businessmen, of?cials, the president of the Greek
community in Trieste, Italy, the president of the Chamber of Commerce, the president of the
Greek-Italian Chamber of Commerce and the mayor of Trieste, Italy.
Besides, the researchers conduct interviews with businessmen of Greek ancestry and
present testimonies of members of the Greek community, and of Italians, so that the
intercultural character of the city is con?rmed. On these grounds, a system of relations
interacts and is shared by a group, past or the experience of migration. In particular, open
interviews in the frame of discussion took place during 2008 and 2009 and duplication
checks of the results from the ?eld study, the notes from the archives and the results which
emerged from participant observation. In order to understand the national group and
entrepreneurship, there are three factors which interact: the structures of opportunities
(market conditions), the characteristics of the group (selective migration, culture, creation of
social networks), group strategy (relations of opportunities and national characteristics),
which develop at different periods of routes followed by merchants-businessmen who
moved towards Trieste. The combination of ?eld participant observation at a concurrent level
with historic research from the available archival sources and at the same time, the use of
these resources for the checking of data of ?eld research, restores the dialectic relation
between past and present. In that way, concurrent research records social behaviours and
interprets their cultural meaning, while, at the same time, by adopting the historic
perspective a time frame inserts the system of relations, determining, through the
continuities and discontinuities of the society under study, the dimensions of social change
(Douglas, 1992).
A diverse range of sources is searched in order to verify the results from multiple sources of
data employing ‘‘triangulation’’, as Maxwell mentions, and thus ‘‘gain a better assessment of
the validity of the explanations’’ (Maxwell, 1996, pp. 75-76). Interpretive phenomenology is a
method which permits the identi?cation of themes – a statement of meaning that runs
through all or most of the pertinent data or one in the minority that carries heavy emotional or
factual impact (Holstein and Gubrium, 1998, p. 150; Murray and Chamberlain, 1999, p. 220).
Issues, that emerge in the data and are repeated, create patterns for the research. Then,
themes are headed under the umbrella of a super-ordinate theme, a theme that incorporates
many sub-themes. The ?rst issue that the results brought forth is the signi?cance of the
Greek entrepreneurship in Trieste, Italy. The second issue which emerges from the research
is associated with the cultural in?uences of the Greek business dispersion.
3. Main results
3.1 Greek entrepreneurship in Trieste, Italy
In the axis of ground forces, the Apsvourgian Empire is equivalent in power to that of the
British Empire, in the sense of the institutionally organised geopolitical space, which
includes different population groups of merchants-businessmen in a homogeneous
economic and political environment. The ground merchant networks depend on the
transmission of agricultural raw materials of animal husbandry and of cottage industry. The
movement of the migrants who followed the ground routes of the Ottoman Empire was mainly
to cities of Macedonia, Epirus and Thessaly as destinations which were economic centres of
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the Balkans and of Central Europe. The presence of Greeks in these routes, but also in the
organisation of ground merchandise was of great signi?cance (Charlafti, 1993).
At a period when the limits between being a driver or merchant were not stable in ground
routes, selective settings could be established in major civil merchant centres. In the Roman
Empire, the meaning of limes emerges, as frontiers (Nouzille, 1991, pp. 255-256). A
well-established route led from Moschopolis to Thessaloniki, then to Zemoun and to
Boudapest. The entrepreneurhsip horizon of ground migrations was more con?ned in
combination with that of sea migrations. Sea movement offers big possibilities of capital
gathering with the prerequisite that the merchant captain would participate in the merchant
capital and in the pro?t, offering the ship and the movement. The drivers (carriers) of the
ground routes do not seem to play the same role in the merchant exchanges. In the ground
routes businessmen do not followthe standards of the sea transfer which led many Greeks to
ship-owner activities (Charlafti, 2001).
The place where sojourners stayed is of importance for the transformation of their
businesses. The feudal order in Hungary with the ‘‘Roman’’ type social strati?cation, within
the political cluster of the Abvourgian monarchy, hindered modernisation in the economy of
place for a long period (Kasaba, 1988). With the motive of the development of agrarian and
husbandry products from Hungarian areas and their merchant feed from Austria, many
Balkan merchants will move to the Austrohungarian area, for which Stoianovich has mainly
suggested non-economic evaluation criteria such as ideology, alliances, leading ability,
education etc. (Stoianovich, 1992).
The ?rst Greeks who inhabited Trieste came there in 1718, during the treaties of Pasarovits;
all foreign merchants were allowed to develop economic activities in the geographical space
of the Apsvourgian Empire with favourable conditions (Bitsani and D’Arcangeli, 2009). From
this point onwards and throughout the eighteenth century, Greek presence in Trieste
develops rapidly, which coincides with the urban planning of the city (Katsiardi-Hering,
1986). Trieste, a new city, in 1718 was in a position to absorb quite easily the foreign
population in contrast with other neighbouring commercial centres such as Venice, which
began to compete with it until it surpassed it at the end of the eighteenth century.
In 1719, the emperor Charles VI declared it together with Fioume (Rijeka) as a free port. The
core of the new city was built in the foothills of San Giusto (where the medieval city is
located), when Maria Theresa was the queen, after the alluvium of the salterns and the city
slowly expanded surrounding the port[1].
Greek sojourners mainly come from the Ionian islands, Peloponnese, Crete, Cyprus,
Konstantinoupole and Smirni and in the beginning were doing business as retail merchants
(History of the Greeks, 2005). In the passage of time, they succeed in more daring activities
owing to the international circumstances, such as the Treaty of Kioutsouk Kainartzi (1774),
according to which Greek ships could get permission to travel under the Russian ?ag.
Besides, the Napoleonic wars (1790-1815) and the isolation of France from the British Navy
create a huge gap for the merchandise in the East Mediterranean, which was substituted, by
the Greek ship-owners and the merchants from the islands and west coast, either unlawfully
or lawfully (Katsiardi-Hering, 1986, pp. 539-46). The port of Trieste after 1815 becomes a
great merchant centre, since it consists of the ‘‘connecting bond’’ between East and West,
due to its strategic position between Levante (Zante) and Central Europe. In the nineteenth
century, the port of Trieste is connected with many other ports opening up new sea
co-operations which create a wide organizational network covering the whole of Europe. In
particular, coastal business routes were carried out with those business routes of the
Western Balkans, such as Ragouza, Preveza, Galaksidi, and with the Ionian islands in
Greece (Katsiardi-Hering, 1986).
After the foundation of the Greek state, Trieste, is connected with newmerchant centres such
as Patras, Kalamata and Hermoupolis, Greece. The merchant co-operations are of
equivalent signi?cance with Ottoman (Turkish) centres, such as Konstantinoupole, Smirni,
Tsesme, as well as with the islands of the Eastern Aegean such as Chios, a region from
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where came most merchants of the Greek community in Trieste. A signi?cant merchant
partner was Alexandria, Egypt with which was connected in 1837 (Katsiardi-Hering, 1986).
With every merchant centre with which Trieste was connected, Greek merchandise was
dominant and this had as a result the development of bigger co-operations increasing the
richness and the power of the community of Trieste (Bitsani and D’Arcangeli, 2009). This fact
is illustrated by the number of Greek ship-owners who came in the port, which were second
to the Austrian (Katsiardi-Hering, 1986). Gradually, they developed partnerships which were
mainly personal family-oriented businesses based in Smirni, Konstantinoupole, Chios,
Crete, Peloponnese, Epirus or Vienna, Odissos, Livorno, Marseilles, London and later in New
York. The contribution of Greeks was embryonic in the industrial life of Trieste till the
mid-nineteenth century. The only sample of such Greek contribution was illustrated with the
tradecrafts of red dyeing strings according to the Levantine art, soap industries, laboratories
for the production of the drink rosoglio at a period when the mill of the Oikonomou family
reached its highest point in 1875, when 350 craftsmen worked there. In the same period,
Greek merchants are stock holders in cotton-spinning mills, re?neries, emery factories,
chaferies, etc[2].
The insurance industry is where Greeks excel even nowadays. In 1789 the ?rst Greek
insurance company (Societa` Grecadi Assicurazioni) was established, and others followed
where Greeks participated with the majority or with a huge capital (Compagnia
d’Assicuratori Particolari/1801, Stabilimento d’Assicurazioni/1804). In other businesses
(Amici Assicuratori/1801, Nuova Compagnia d’ Assicurazioni/1822) the cooperation of
Greeks with ‘‘Illirious’’ was de?nite. In the business sector, the obstacles which created the
separation of the community in 1782 could not be seen, as well as religious reasons which
did not suspend the cooperation with Hebrews, which is obvious in the security and the bank
sector[3].
In 1826, Angelos Yannikesis from Zante established Adriatico Banco d’ Assicurazioni, while
in 1838 due to his efforts the famous Insurance business Riunione Adriatica di Siturta` was
created with the majority of the capital coming from Greeks but also from Hebrews, Italians,
Austrians till after the First World War. This was also the case for the big insurance business
of Assicurazioni Generali where Hebrews from Trieste and the area of Venice, Austrians and
Germans, Italians from Trento, Greeks (Rallis, Skaramagas, Stamatis among them) and
Serbs from Dalmatia[4].
It was after 1850 that a Greek aristocracy of merchants is in charge of business and industry
of Trieste, while the Greek population there amounts to 5,000 people and many Greeks of
Trieste also develop commercial activities in Greece. The Greek Kiriakos Katraros had the
initiative for the creation of the stock market of Trieste which was created by Greeks and he
became its ?rst president. Greeks who covered the 28 percent of the capital will have two
more presidents in the stock market of Trieste, Antonio Dimitriou in 1905 till 1911 and Ioannis
Skaramagas from 1914 till 1916. There are only a few of the most af?uent Greek business
merchants, who nevertheless are distinguished for their cultural sensitivities and activities
such as Amvrosios, Rallis, Alexander Manousis, Konstantinou Chatzikonsta, Paul Ralli and
George Afentoulis.
There are also the Skaramaga and Stavropoulos families. The families of Skaramaga were
fromChios, and have proved to be competent in organizational management (Pagnini, n.d.).
Their activities are geographically located in Austria, Hungary and Russia. In the middle of
the nineteenth century, part of the Skaramaga family came to Trieste and becomes part of
the Austrian aristocracy cycle and attains the title of Altomonte[5]. Paul Rallis (1845-1907),
who attained the title of baron, had developed a famous business activity while he
contributed in various ways to the community. Meanwhile, Trieste reaches the number of
24,000 inhabitants in 1800, 4 percent of whomwere Greeks, from10,000 inhabitants in 1700.
Trieste was under three French Commands (1797, 1805 and 1809). Greeks succeeded in
creating the ?rst insurance business and, up to the present, Trieste has been the centre of
insurances. There were 15 insurance businesses between 1805 and 1807, four of which
belonged to Greeks. In the twenty-?rst century, Riunione Adriatica di Sicurta` , the General
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Insurance Businesses of Trieste, still have their headquarters in Trieste but also Greek
merchant and insurance businesses. Some tankers and container ships reach the port due
to the crisis in the ground routes of the Balkans.
3.2 Cultural in?uences of the Greek business dispersion
Cultural in?uences of the Greek business dispersion is the second issue which emerges
from the research. The economic development of the Greek community results in the
creation of an important social and spiritual work (personal interviews with the president of
the Greek community Mr Kosmidis and the distinguished member of the community and Mr
Cuccagna, president of the Non Pro?t Institution Skaramagas, in 2008 and results from the
participant observation throughout 2008). Trieste is a city that takes the initiative of
supporting different cultural values and their diffusion. Through the diffusion of language,
education and culture Italians, Greeks, Jews, Germans, Slovaks, preserve and stabilise their
presence in Trieste.
Tangible works of the cultural in?uence of the Greeks can be seen in the port, the building of
the Greek community Palazzo Carciotti and the Greek Orthodox temple of the Holy Spirit and
Saint Nikolas. A few meters away the canal is located and there lies the catholic temple of
Saint Antonios and the Serb Orthodox temple of Saint Spiridonas. Piazza Tommaseo, the
Provincial Command post, the old building of Lloyd Triestino on the left and right hand side of
the big piazza Unita` d’Italia surrounded by the City Hall and the General Insurances building
of Trieste (Assicurazioni Generali) which was the old residence of Nikolaou Strati (casa Strati)
which was built in 1824 (Volume ‘‘Arte e Pieta, I patrimoni culturali delle opere pie’’, 1980).
The merchants and the economy with which they were associated put their mark on the
character of the city. Trieste is the city of multilingualism, multiculturalism and mixed
marriages is a solution for young couples and complaisance is the case. It is to this distinct
identity, the so called triestinita` , that we owe the rich literature production of Trieste such as
Italo Svevo or Umberto Saba.
With regard to the Greek community, the Church consists of the connecting bond – among
Greek schools and Greek libraries. A determining step immediately afterwards was the
creation of the ?rst Greek school in 1801 and of the Library which even nowadays is the most
signi?cant that Hellenism has created abroad. One may ?nd in the library the issues of the
newspaper New Day published in Trieste since 1855. Unique masterpieces are printed in
Trieste, old publications and few printed material of religious content. In particular, there are
the Argonautika of Apollonius Rhodius (Frankfourt ,1546) and the publication of Geoponikou
Agapiou Landou (Venetiou, 1686). Rare works of Byzantine writers, theologians, classical
scholars and historians such as the Divine Mass of John Christomos (Venice, 1644), the
Myriobiblos of Fotios (Magentia, 1653), the Chronicles of John Zonara (Venice, 1729) and
the Hexabiblos of Konstantinos Armenopoulos (Venice, 1766). Other important works are the
book for the holy and saint of Gabrihl Seviros (Venice, 1691) the Treasure of four languages
of Gerasimos Vlachos (Venice, 1723), Geography of Meletios Mitros (Venice, 1728), the
History of Byzantium of Ioannis Stanos (Venice, 1767) and the Church History of Meletios
Mitros (Venice, 1783-1795). The richness of the library contributed to the Economian Award.
Since 1882, the library has been enriched from the books that were sent in the Committee of
the Economian Endowment for participating in the prize up to the Second World War. 1940
could be considered to be an arris. The library stopped being enriched (Papaioannou,
1982). After Margaritis Konstantinidis’ death (1933), interest in the library was shown by
Ioannis Skaramagas and Kleovoulos Kedros but also Konstantinos Pizanis, Emmanouil
Trakakis, Georgios Konstantinidis, Spuridon Nikolaidis and Evangelos Pantarrotas, who
willingly accepted the contribution offered by the Greek state through the Hellenic Institute in
Venice. Nowadays, according to the interview with Mr Kosmidis, the president of the Greek
community in 2008 aims to create a new library which could securely host the whole archival
material of the community[6].
The Museum and the Library are in perfect condition, open to the public, while the archives
and the Greek cemetery in Trieste have been preserved so that researchers may document
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the historic archives. The Greek School operates nowadays and a lot of Italians attend Greek
lessons offered by the Greek community.
Ioannis Skaramagas collected old artifacts, valuable pieces of art and, in general,
everything that was associated with the history of Trieste. His collection became known since
it was permanently enriched and ‘‘Fondazione’’ was converted to a museum which operates
nowadays. The Skaramaga Museum is run from a special committee of the Municipality of
Trieste. A member of the Board of the Greek community of Trieste participates as a member
and this member is elected from the Board of the Greek community of Trieste.
The personal passion of Socrates Stavropoulos for art and culture led to the setting up of
another big collection which formed a demanding museum housed in Via Imbriani.
Stavropoulos was born in Trieste in 1882. His father was Greek and his mother came from
Trieste. He studied business in Vienna and began to publish papers and research in the
magazines and newspapers of Trieste. He transmitted his business interests to Budapest,
where he built a company which produced paper and kept it till 1945. He began collecting
valuable books and pieces of art at the beginning of the century. The municipality of Trieste
showed interest in the preservation of his collection which took place in 1952 in the form of a
museum under the name Collezione including paintings, sculptures and designs of
European artists, mainly Hungarians of the twentieth century (personal interview with the
president of the Greek community Mr Kosmidis in 2008). Among the collections of the
above-mentioned museums and the other museums of the city of Trieste, there are many
works of art of Greek and Greek Italian artists who lived in the Greek community in Trieste.
This is the work of painter and poet Kaisara So?anopoulou (1889-1968), which was distinct.
There are three Greek museums in the city. The Strati residence in Trieste accommodates the
Town Museum of History and Art. The town had a Greek hospital during 1788-1822. Two
Greek schools were created, offering a new initiative for their age programme, since the
demotic language and the sciences were taught, courses which provide students with the
necessary knowledge for the practice of merchandise. The teaching of these courses
consisted of the application of the beliefs of Korais according to the education Greek
students should attain (Volume ‘‘Il Nuovo Giorno, La Comunita Greco-Orientale di Trieste:
Storia e patrimonio artistico-culturale’’, 1982).
Finally, within the framework of girls’ care in 1828 the Greek community established the
community school for girls. The Greek community was reinforced when migrants came
during the Greek revolution, who developed signi?cant merchant activity. Merchant activities
were the most essential way of participating in the economic life of the city, which is why
those abstaining had a serious problem of survival (Katsiardi-Hering, 1986, pp. 563-4). The
decline of the Greek community came with the end of the First World War and the annexation
of the city to the Italian state.
3.3 The organisation-administration of the Greek community in Trieste
The cultural standards of the businessman in the Empire of Austria-Hungary were connected
with ownership of land and titles of respect. Especially, in the Hungarian grounds, where a
big percentage of Greek merchants was gathered, the social synthesis of the
non-agricultural populations was mainly formed by the clergy, aristocracy, the inhabitants
of the free cities and depended on a complex administrative system (Smith, 2000).
A lot of information exists in the local and central archives of the states where Greek
emigrants gathered with regard to the organisation of the communities, the religious and
spiritual activities and their everyday life, which is kept in the Greek communities outside
Greece, such as Comunita` Greco Orientale di Trieste. Secretaries-General of the community,
and mainly Margaritis Konstantinidis, were responsible for keeping order in the ?les of the
archives. Katsiardi-Hering also contributes to the maintenance of the ?les.
Since 1750, the presence of the community has been associated with the presence of
Greeks in Trieste. People fromall over Greece came to leave their mark on the huge books of
Trieste where weddings, baptisms, deaths and burials of the people in the community are
recorded. The community has recorded its members on special boards since 1783. These
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catalogs, on the base of which contributions and fees for the community were collected,
provide a picture for the economic presence of the Greeks and it is of signi?cance for the
city. The multiple economic functions of the community cover the most part of the Archives.
Since the end of the eighteenth century up to the present receipts, documents, blocks and
?nancial statements have accompanied the bookkeeping of the community. There are also
interesting data for the behaviour of the community as an owner and capital holder and for
the history of building and housing for this great port of Adriatiki. The part of archives
associated with the banks and the movement of capital, underlines the involvement of the
communities in the more contemporary economic practices of their period.
The administration of the community as is seen from the deeds of meetings of the Parliament
and its assembly, as well as the ‘‘protocol’’, or the archives under the heading
‘‘correspondence’’, form the picture of a well-organised institution. The effort of detailed
and reliable registrations, not only for the economic but also for the administrative issues, is
also seen from the cemetery. There is rich informative material concerning the activities of
Greeks in Italy. Its thematic and temporal de?nition of such material is such, where its
equivalent in Greece does not exist, which may be explained from the difference in the
development of state bureaucracy and the culture of administration between the West
European states and the Ottoman Empire or the Greek reign in the nineteenth century and
opens up ways for the study of the Greek community. There is speci?city in the religious
practice in Trieste encompassing the community practices towards priests and the strict
programming of the devotional activities, as this is outlined in the communication of the
community with the priest. Teaching of the Greek language and training of the young
members of the community are presented with the function of the community school, from
1801 till 1930. The documents of the school in combination with textbooks and the teaching
aid material comprise a valuable material for the historian of Greek education.
The archives of the community include old maps and plans such as that of Athens of 1837.
Nowadays, it is located in a specially designed space on the third ?oor of the building of the
community in Via III Novembre 6. Its most signi?cant part, the so called ‘‘Archives’’, the wills
of the donors, the registers of births and deaths are kept in the safe of the ?rst ?oor (Cassa
Forte). After its preservation and classi?cation, the publication of the catalog of the archives
is afoot. Owing to the multiple character and the parallel historic route of the city and the
Greek community, the archives represent valuable capital for the history of the community
and act as a bridge of communication of Greek scholars with the historians of other nations
of equivalent historic experience.
The Greek community functions under the Charter of 1786, which has not actually changed,
although there have been small changes and publications. The 12-member Parliament (Il
Capitolo), elected every two years from the General Assembly of Greek members of the
community, has the general advisory initiative for the administration of the issues of the
community, the executive power passing to the three Commissioners elected by its
members. There are documents of the organisation of the community of the Greeks from
their point of departure (which was mainly the Ionian and the Aegean, the coast of the
Peloponnese and Asia Minor) but also the tradition of the religious communities and parishes
of the Catholic Austria (personal interview with Mr Cuccagna president of the Non-Pro?t
Institution Skaramagas in 2008; personal interview with Mr Lagouvardos, member of the
Administrative Committee of the Non-Pro?t Institution Skaramagas in 2008; Il Capitolo,
1786).
4. Conclusion: The intercultural identity of the city
The contemporary scholar of Trieste Elio Apin wrote in 1968, ‘‘Trieste has been to a greater
degree than Vienna the city where populations of monarchy felt like it was their own’’. Trieste
is the city loved by James Joyce, who stayed in the old town at the beginning of the twentieth
century and learned to speak Greek from a Greek under the name of Santos. It is the city
where multilingualism and multiculturalism are the rule, the mixed marriages the common
solution and quite obvious the tolerance (with some exceptions with regard to the Slovenian
issue) towards the different culture. Trieste was and is rich in contrasts which could not be
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resolved. It does not have a central base nor a unitary system of values. Since it has become
a free port, Trieste owes an important part of its af?uence to the interest shown by the state to
the development of the city and the boost which was given to it from the af?uence of Trieste.
The port of Venice and the border geopolitical location of Trieste do not allow a big
development to take place to such a degree that tradition maintains hopes for the older
generation and expectations for the younger generation for the revival of the glorious past
under the Empire of Austria-Hungary (personal interview with Mr Cuccagna, president of the
Non-Pro?t Institution Skaramagas in 2008).
The dissolution of the Empire of Austria-Hungary represented for Trieste its point of decline
and its population immobility. After the shrinkage caused by the Second World War, Trieste
and the few Greeks tried to be incorporated within the new orientations of the city. According
to Mr Cuccagna (personal interview with the president of the Non-Pro?t Institution
Skaramagas in 2008) another reason for the city’s decay is its severance from the country
which has belonged, since the Second World War, to Yugoslavia – the area of Istria which
belongs nowadays to Slovenia and to Croatia with the prevalence of socialism there and the
declaration of the Cold War. The fate of the Greek community is an extremely sensitive point:
the community will be stuck in the past as a museumised item, which will decrease till it ?nally
dies or new innovations emerge, changing many things from the present established order
of the community.
Communities in Trieste, Italy such as the German and Greek managed to preserve to a
signi?cant degree their cultural heritage and values since they did not refer to it as opposed
to, but as supplementary to, the Italian culture and, within this model of intercultural relations,
not only have they created diglossy but also a double culture, an intercultural one which
shows how well people of different cultures may live together. In contrast, the belief in the
Slovenian (Istrian) community is that the distinct lingual and cultural identity may only be
preserved through the preservation of national identity; otherwise, the only way is towards
social and cultural Italian pressure of assimilation. Trieste, Italy can consist of a typical
recourse for other areas of the Mediterranean where cultures and identities intermingle with
migration and policy directions need to be implemented so that people who migrate to live in
another country are not treated as tourists or visitors or as foreigners.
Notes
1. Archives of the Greek community, No 173.
2. Archives of Biblioteca Civica, Vol. II, III, IV.
3. Archives of the Greek community, File 1.
4. Archives of the Stock Market-the Chamber Commerce ‘‘Borsa’’, File 91.
5. Archives of the Stock Market-the Chamber Commerce ‘‘Borsa’’, File 1929/D /33.
6. Library of the Greek community, 21/31.
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Corresponding author
Evgenia Bitsani can be contacted at: [email protected]
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