Description
The purpose of this paper is to analyse the position of the museum shop within dark tourism
sites. In doing so, it argues that the shop has the potential to act as a further meaning-making vehicle by
reconfirming the museum mission within its merchandise selection. The analysis of the particular
position occupied by the museum shop as a for-profit institution within a not-for-profit institution will
reveal the friction that exists between the competing aims of the museum shop to ideologically, as well as
economically, support dark tourism.
International Journal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research
Dark tourism shops: selling “dark” and “difficult” products
J ane Brown
Article information:
To cite this document:
J ane Brown, (2013),"Dark tourism shops: selling “dark” and “difficult” products", International J ournal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality
Research, Vol. 7 Iss 3 pp. 272 - 280
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Avital Biran, Kenneth F. Hyde, (2013),"New perspectives on dark tourism", International J ournal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality
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Anna Farmaki, (2013),"Dark tourism revisited: a supply/demand conceptualisation", International J ournal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality
Research, Vol. 7 Iss 3 pp. 281-292http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/IJ CTHR-05-2012-0030
Philip Stone, (2013),"Dark tourism scholarship: a critical review", International J ournal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research, Vol. 7
Iss 3 pp. 307-318http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/IJ CTHR-06-2013-0039
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Dark tourism shops: selling ‘‘dark’’ and
‘‘dif?cult’’ products
Jane Brown
Abstract
Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to analyse the position of the museum shop within dark tourism
sites. In doing so, it argues that the shop has the potential to act as a further meaning-making vehicle by
recon?rming the museum mission within its merchandise selection. The analysis of the particular
position occupied by the museum shop as a for-pro?t institution within a not-for-pro?t institution will
reveal the friction that exists between the competing aims of the museumshop to ideologically, as well as
economically, support dark tourism.
Design/methodology/approach – The author analysed institutional literature and merchandise
selection at three case studies, to explore the relationship between dark tourism sites and their
respective shops.
Findings – The retail operations of dark tourism sites are highly complex and fraught with potential
issues relating to taste and decency. Museums situated at actual sites of death are particularly
constrained in regards to the type of merchandise they are able to stock. However, it is not just the
locational identity of the museums which dictates the type of shop they are able to operate but their
particular subject matter and the way this subject is approached in the gallery space.
Research limitations/implications – This paper is limited by a small survey size. Further research
could include interviews with museum shop professionals and other museum professionals to see how
different areas of the museum see the role and value of museum shops at dark tourism sites.
Originality/value – This is an under-researched area. There has been a growing amount of research in
to the meaning-making potential of museum shops; however, little attention has been given to dark
tourism sites and how dark content impacts upon the nature of the shop.
Keywords Museums, Shops, Merchandising, Dark tourism, Commercialization, Holocaust, Slavery,
War Museum
Paper type Research paper
Introduction
Dark tourismsites display dif?cult subject matter for public consumption. This public display
has led to these sites facing accusations that they trade off the memory of death and disaster
(Cole, 2000). The perennial presence of gift shops, be they staid, educationally focused
book shops or lavish retail meccas to the macabre, compounds this accusation. There is a
generalised distaste that surrounds the criticism of such shops. Indeed, the museum shop
generally has faced consistent accusations that it undermines the cultural offering of
museums and heritage sites. The shop and the museum have traditionally been viewed as
two separate entities with a separate set of competing aims, one cultural and one
commercial. More recently, however, some theorists have begun to discuss the shop as an
intrinsic, not distinct, element of museum and heritage sites (Macdonald, 2012). This article
seeks to build on this work to discuss the way in which gift shops at dark tourism sites select
products that extend the message of the main site.
Shops have become a ubiquitous part of the museum and heritage landscape. They are a
crucial source of revenue for increasingly under-funded institutions, and few now operate
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Jane Brown is based at
Swansea Museum,
Swansea, UK.
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without some sort of retail outlet (Theobald, 2000). The growth of museum and heritage site
shops has been accompanied by a large body of literature which criticises them for being too
commercial for their cultural hosts. Toepler (2006) argues that despite the obvious bene?ts of
commercial activities, money-making initiatives detract from the cultural remit of the museum.
Janes (2009) has been a particularly harsh critic of the increasing importance of shops and
other income generating resources. He argues that museums ‘‘have allowed themselves to be
held increasingly captive by the economic imperatives of the marketplace’’ (p. 13) ensuring
that their public service role has been replaced by a more business-minded model.
This argument is intensi?ed within the context of dark tourism. Shops in dark tourism
institutions are highly constrained by issues of taste and decency. Dark tourism is highly
‘‘provocative’’ which means that these sites have a particularly dif?cult task in managing
their shops (Stone, 2009). Sharpley (2009b) explains that dark tourismsites are burdened by
the need to be managed ‘‘in a manner that pays respect to the dead’’ (Sharpley, 2009b).
Sites can therefore face accusations of unseemly pro?teering if, for example, their stock
choices appear too blatantly commercial or widely unconnected to their subject matter
(Macdonald, 2012). Some theorists have debated whether it is ethical to promote these sites
for tourists to consume (Sharpley, 2009b). Seaton (2009) explains that there is a general
feeling that ‘‘it is unacceptable to pro?t from the dead’’ (p. 87). There are, of course, large
variations between dark tourism sites, and some shops have greater freedom than others in
regards to the type of merchandise they can stock. This article will seek to show that this
potential freedom is dependent on the museum’s subject matter, as well as whether it is an
actual place of death or a purpose-built institution that deals with a controversial subject.
Despite the prevalence of museumshops they remain a neglected area of research (beyond
the basic criticisms of their commercial function). The literature that does exist tends to focus
on the practicalities of museum shop management (see, for example, Andoniadis, 2011;
Leimgruber and Hartmut, 2011; Theobald, 2000). Macdonald (2012) provides one of the few
theoretical discussions devoted to museumshops. She argues that shops and museums are
both ‘‘special thing places’’ that impart value upon their wares (p. 43). She outlines a number
of similarities (e.g. modes of display) and differences (e.g. the potential, or lack thereof, to
take a physical piece of the museum home) between the museum and the shop. She
suggests that it is this dual process of ‘‘sameness and difference’’ that creates a dialogue
between the shop and the museum (p. 43). The shop must re?ect the collection and
institutional message in order to further its educational potential, but it must also challenge
the static nature of the museumby creating ‘‘thing mobility’’ through sales (p. 43). Ultimately,
Macdonald (2012) argues that ‘‘museum shops should not be seen as an added . extra ,
to the museum, but should be regarded as fully part of the complex object-identity work that
museums perform’’ (p. 53).
This article will build on the work of Macdonald (2012), using the speci?c example of dark
tourism sites, to show how the stock in the shop is re?ective of the content and message of
the wider institution. This article is important as it is analyses a signi?cantly
under-researched part of dark tourism (and museum and heritage sites more generally).
Established issues relating to the ethics of the display and consumption of dark tourism are
used to analyse the type and range of stock sold at three different shops. This article is
particularly signi?cant given the global economic crisis, which has already forced
governments around the world to reduce the level of funding available to museums and
heritage sites. It is likely that these organisations will be forced to rely even more heavily on
the income raised by their shops. This article therefore has practical implications as it shows
how the shop is an integrated part of the museum which re?ects the wider institutional
content and message.
There are a plethora of different sites around the world which could be classi?ed as
purveyors of dark tourism. Sharpley (2009b) takes a particularly broad approach to the
de?nition of dark tourism sites explaining simply that they are ‘‘sites associated with death,
suffering and the macabre’’. For Stone (2006), there are many shades of dark and light within
dark tourism. His dark tourism spectrum can be used to determine ‘‘how dark’’ a particular
site is. At the darkest end of the spectrum are sites that deal exclusively with emotional
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subject matter and which are based at actual sites of death or disaster. Conversely, at the
lightest end of the spectrum are sites that deal with dark subjects from purpose built
locations. Stone’s (2006) spectrum has been employed in the selection of the case studies
belowin order to determine the way that shades of darkness manifest themselves in the retail
operations of dark sites.
The particular case studies have also been selected in reference to Macdonald’s (2009)
de?nition of what she refers to as dif?cult heritage. Macdonald (2009) explains that dif?cult
heritage references a past that is ‘‘meaningful [. . .] but also contested and awkward for [the
present]’’ (p. 1). She argues that the Holocaust, colonialism and the Allied role in the First
and Second World Wars are all examples of this type of heritage. Each of these historically
dif?cult subject matters are represented in the following case studies, respectively:
B the Auschwitz-Birkenau Museum;
B the International Slavery Museum; and
B the Imperial War Museum North.
Underpinning Macdonald’s assessment of dif?cult heritage sites is the dif?culty that these
institutions have in representing this type of history. This article will argue that this dif?culty is
also represented in the shop.
The Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum is analysed as it is situated at an actual place of
death and ‘‘arguably the epitome of Holocaust-related dark tourism’’ (Sharpley, 2009a,
p. 152). As it is an actual site of death, has a commemorative focus and deals with highly
politicised subject matter it occupies the darkest position on Stone’s (2006) spectrum. The
International Museum of Slavery is not a site of death but is still closely connected to its
subject and therefore can be considered as occupying a slightly lighter position on the
spectrum. As a purpose-built museum the Imperial War Museum North is the lightest case
study assessed in this article, despite still addressing a number of dif?cult subjects.
Auschwitz-Birkenau
The Auschwitz-Birkenau Museum (hereafter ‘‘Auschwitz’’) in Poland is the most notorious
dark tourism site in the world. It is the actual place where some of the worst atrocities of the
Holocaust occurred. The site-speci?c nature of Auschwitz, at the same time as fuelling its
ability to act as a memorial and educational resource, also places a burden on its retail
operations. There is a general acceptance amongst dark tourismtheorists that heritage sites
at the actual place of death and destruction are more emotive than purpose-built sites. Miles
(2002) explains that site-speci?c sites are not just museums or memorials, but they are also
‘‘mass graveyards’’. Running a shop under these circumstances clearly raises challenges
regarding taste and decency. Dark tourism sites of this nature cannot appear to be pro?ting
from the sale of commercial goods relating to the harrowing deaths of those they are
designed to memorialise.
The representation of the Holocaust has long been the subject of intense debate. A number
of theorists maintain that it is impossible to adequately represent the Holocaust (see, for
example, Bartov, 1996; Lang, 2000). Theodore Adorno famously stated in 1955 that ‘‘to write
poetry after Auschwitz is barbaric’’ (Adorno, 1955; cited in Adorno, 2003, p. 162). He
expresses the tension that characterises any representation of the Holocaust; it is impossible
to do so adequately and therefore any such attempt is an insult to the memory of the victims.
Although he believes that inadequately representing the Holocaust is preferable to it being
forgotten, the inherent problem with such representations is ‘‘the possibility that pleasure
can be squeezed from it’’ (Adorno, p, 252). Indeed, such is the popularity of the museum
that Cole (2000) has dubbed it ‘‘Auschwitz-Land’’, the prime location of ‘‘Holocaust tourism’’.
He argues that the true message of remembrance is obscured by the masses of tourists who
pass through Auschwitz to simply consume the holocaust. Although Auschwitz does not
necessarily represent the entertainment vehicle feared by Adorno, its massive popularity
equates the museum’s mission to a product that is consumed by the mass market, which
Cole argues serves to hinder its ability to act as true memorial.
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The transformation of the shop at Auschwitz from the classic museum shop, which sells a
wide range of obviously commercial goods, into the sober and serious educational
bookstore, can be linked to wider debates about the representation of the Holocaust
discussed above. If the heritage displays at Auschwitz can face accusations of
commercialising the holocaust, its retail operations must be even more carefully
managed. Holocaust representations are required to be serious, educational and bereft of
obvious entertainment value to avoid criticisms, like Adorno’s, that they are primarily about
providing enjoyment. This understanding of Holocaust representation explains why, for
example, Stephen Spielberg, the director whose work is typi?ed by big-budget, fast-action
blockbusters, chose to ?lm the Holocaust classic Schindler’s List in sombre black and white.
The same processes are identi?able in the decision to swap logo-branded lunch boxes for
hard-bound volumes of survivor testimonies. The universal horror surrounding the Holocaust
dictates the way in which it can be depicted and sold at Auschwitz. The book shop presents
itself as a worthy place of learning, which recon?rms the memorialising message and sober
atmosphere of the museum, but also meets the needs of the visitors by providing the
educational material they expect.
Macdonald (2012) argues that in order to align the shop with the mission of Auschwitz, its
educational potential is exaggerated via a focus on books. Signi?cantly, the shop is
speci?cally described as a book shop (seehttp://en.auschwitz.org/m/). The 2011 annual
report only mentions the bookstore to explain that museum publications are available for
purchase. Notably, the ?nancial contribution of the shop is not explicitly mentioned (seehttp://en.auschwitz.org/m/). The book shop is an institutionally endorsed space where
visitors can go to further their knowledge of the Holocaust. It is not a medium that competes
with the museum, or distracts from its aims through obviously commercial practices. By
recon?rming the values of the main museum space, the book shop at Auschwitz provides a
further space for learning. The emphasis on education allows the museum shop to trade
upon the memory of the Holocaust without appearing insensitive.
The physical position of the shop at Auschwitz has frequently faced major criticism. It is
located in the main reception building along with the visitor information point and the ticket
kiosk. This building was originally where, upon arrival to the camp, Holocaust victims were
stripped of their possessions, their heads shaved and their names replaced by a number
(Jan Van Pelt and Dwork, 1996). The irony of this situation has not been lost on Cole (2000),
who states that ‘‘the place of prisoner initiation [. . .] has silently become the place of tourist
initiation’’ (p. 182). He notes that the addition of the shop ensures that its original function is
completely obscured. Young highlights similar criticisms that were voiced over the intention
to build a disco in Oswiecim, the town next to Auschwitz. Those opposed to this
development argued that this highly commercial venture would lead to the ‘‘moral and
physical degradation’’ of historical buildings at Auschwitz. Young explains that the town itself
was accused of being ‘‘opportunistic and heartless’’ for developing commercial businesses
on the borders of Auschwitz. The sensitivity over pro?t making commercial ventures both
inside and adjacent to Auschwitz shows that such enterprises are deemed to detract from
the historical signi?cance of dark tourism sites. It is useful to note that being particularly
‘‘commercial’’ places, some dark tourism sites at the lighter end of Stone’s (2006) spectrum.
This suggests that appearing highly commercial serves to weaken an institution’s claim as a
worthy, memorialising site.
The International Slavery Museum
Similarly to Auschwitz, the International Slavery Museum in Liverpool, UK has a strong
educational mission to promote a deeper understanding of the Transatlantic Slave Trade
(see www.liverpoolmuseums.org.uk/ism/). The Slave Trade, like the Holocaust, is an
incredibly emotive and potentially contentious subject to exhibit (see, for example, Horton
and Horton, 2009). ISM deals with a subject of global importance (signi?ed by the use of the
word ‘‘international’’ in its title) but is still very much tied to its location (Wood, 2000).
However, unlike Auschwitz, it is not situated at an actual site of death as the suffering and
violence occurred aboard the slave ships and at plantations in America and the Caribbean.
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The ISMshop stocks a number of items, including logo-branded bags, badges and erasers,
which would simply not be found at Auschwitz. In this instance, a degree of distance fromthe
centre of the trauma enables a degree of commercial freedom. It is possible that
geographical distance serves to ease the burden placed on the retail operations of dark
tourism sites. However, the subject of slavery, coupled with the wider educational mission of
the museum, ensures that the shop must still present itself as a learning aid by emphasising
its educational possibilities.
The fact that ISM is located within the same building as the Merseyside Maritime Museum
(hereafter ‘‘MMM’’) also reduces the constraints on its shop. The two museums, as well as
sharing a building, share a retail outlet. The shop stocks a number of unconnected,
low-priced toys usually aimed at children. Since there are no clear visual separations
between the stock of the two museums these unconnected items cannot be easily identi?ed
as an exponent of either. These objects are not, however, merchandised next to any of those
goods that have an obvious connection to ISM (such as the African-art inspired ornaments).
They are instead located at the till point, negating any possibility of tying them directly to a
speci?c museum. In short, by sharing retail space with the Merseyside Maritime Museum,
the International Slavery Museum is able to bene?t from the commercial success of such
items without having to negotiate any of the aforementioned concerns regarding taste and
decency.
The shop also stocks a large amount of merchandise that is intimately tied to the museum’s
collection. The museum is split into three distinct themes across three separate galleries:
1. pre-slavery African culture;
2. the history of the Transatlantic Slave Trade; and
3. the legacy of the Slave Trade.
Prior (2007) argues that the ?rst gallery follows the current accepted rubric, which has seen
academics and museum professionals alike endeavouring to present the sophisticated and
distinct culture that pre-dated any Western interference in Africa. The gallery thus has a
celebratory focus marked out by the use of bright colours and music. The middle gallery is
reserved for graphically depicting the horrors of the slave trade. Kowaleski Wallace (2008)
notes that the ‘‘moods lightens considerably’’ in the ?nal gallery, which explores the legacy
of the Slave Trade. The last gallery celebrates black culture by focusing on the achievements
of prevalent black individuals. This celebration is continued in the shop where visitors can
purchase ornaments and jewellery inspired by African design, as well as postcards and
pictures that feature the famous faces of the legacy gallery. The shop, by focusing its more
commercial merchandise on the celebratory elements of the gallery, is able to avoid trading
on the horror of the Slave Trade itself. Equally, by recon?rming the speci?c themes presented
in the gallery, the shop demonstrates the understanding of the Slave Trade presented by the
museum.
The representation of the middle gallery, the gallery which truly tackles the ‘‘darkness’’ of the
Slave Trade, is not traded upon in the same way. Wood (2000) argues that the dif?culty of
truly representing the experience of slavery is comparable to the dif?culty of representing
the Holocaust. He is thus highly critical of IMS’s attempts to recreate the ‘‘middle passage’’
(the journey aboard the slave ships from Africa to the plantation). Wood (2000) argues that
‘‘you cannot merchandise, advertise and package the middle passage’’ (p. 300). If one is
criticised for representing the middle passage in a gallery setting, the horror of the Slave
Trade cannot then be more literally merchandised and packaged in the shop. The ISM shop
employs the same tactic as Auschwitz to tackle its most dif?cult subject matter. Any allusion
to the experience of the Slave Trade itself is done through the sale of books. Again, the
educational merit of these books is emphasised. In the ‘‘History of the Transatlantic Slave
Trade’’ section of the museum website visitors are directed to ‘‘?nd out more’’ by purchasing
books from the museum shop (see www.liverpoolmuseums.org.uk/ism/). The commercial
aims of the shop are therefore masked behind the veil of education allowing the shop to
maintain its appearance as a further space for learning. Through the wider scope of the
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gallery, and the fact that it is not located at an actual site of death, the ISM shop enjoys
greater freedom in regards to its merchandise than the Auschwitz book shop. Despite this
increase in freedom the shop still ensures it maintains a strong educational identity in order
to align itself with the wider institutional mission and to enable it to trade off the darker
elements of the Slave Trade through books.
The Imperial War Museum North
The Imperial War MuseumNorth (hereafter ‘‘IWMN’’), the most recent addition to the Imperial
War Museum brand, opened in 2002 at Salford Quays in the UK. Unlike Auschwitz or ISM,
IWMN’s collection has no intrinsic connection to its physical location; it is a purpose-built
space from which to explore the effects of war. Williams (2007) explains that purpose-built
museums, unlike site-speci?c memorial museums, often discuss dark subject matter much
more broadly, and may depict themnext to less contentious issues. As IWMNis not an actual
place of death it has much greater freedomin regards to exhibition material, and in turn, in its
retail operations. The museum has a strong focus on the First and Second World Wars, as
well as depicting more modern-day con?icts (see www.iwm.org.uk/). Necessarily the
museum deals with some extremely dif?cult subject matter relating to massive destruction
and death. The stated mission of the museum, however, is to explore how‘‘war shapes lives’’
and to increase the understanding of war-time experience (see www.iwm.org.uk/). The
museum therefore focuses on how the lives of ordinary people are affected by war. By
focusing on people’s lives the museum avoids the possibility of simply depicting the most
harrowing historical events. The shop operates in a similar way by supplying products
relating to the experience of war during the ?rst part of the twentieth century. In doing so it
avoids the darkest issues in order to stock much more varied merchandise.
The focus on wartime Britain is achieved in the shop through the evocative use of retro and
nostalgic products. These products are connected to the depiction of the British ‘‘home
front’’ displayed in the main gallery. Visitors are able to buy ‘‘ration’’ fudge, 1940s-inspired
fashion, and traditional British toys, like larapino and cup and ball. Pearce (1995) explains
that retro objects, like those described above, can be labelled a very particularly kind of
‘‘kitsch’’ that is concerned with ‘‘commercial reminiscence’’. Similarly, Olaquiaga (1999)
argues that nostalgic kitsch acts as a form of selective remembrance that embodies only the
‘‘acceptable parts’’ of the past for consumption and ignores more traumatic experiences.
Sturken (2008) expands on the work of Olaquiaga (1999), arguing that kitsch objects provide
an ‘‘easy formula for grief’’. She explains that the ‘‘pre-packaged sentiment [of kitsch]
conveys the message that this sentiment is shared, that it is appropriate and, importantly,
that it is enough’’ (p. 28). For Sturken (2008), therefore, there is comfort in kitsch. The comfort
of kitsch, identi?able in products such as the ‘‘bits and pieces tin’’ at IWMN, allows visitors to
purchase something of an imagined past in which there was innocence and humour, as well
as destruction.
The shop is signi?cant for visitors of IWMN since it is a welcome contrast to the more dif?cult
topics broached in the main museum. Signi?cantly, Sharpley (2009c) explains that kitsch
‘‘does not emerge in a political vacuum’’ and that it responds to ‘‘particular kinds of historical
events’’ (p. 125) in distinct ways. There are no comforting kitsch objects on sale at
Auschwitz; there is no comfort to be found at a memorial to the Holocaust. The museumdoes
not wish to provide ‘‘comfort’’ to its visitors, instead it is concerned with maintaining the
memory of the horror of the holocaust. It emerges, therefore, that the use or non-use of kitsch
is determined by the wider scope of the institution.
Moreover, the use of nostalgic products allows the shop to trade on a memory of war-time
Britain that is both acceptable and marketable. Of course the popularity of such ‘‘retro’’
products is surely the main reason they are stocked. Indeed, the nostalgic kitsch objects
stocked by the shop may not be consciously selected as a means of creating comfort for
visitors at all. Instead, kitsch objects are certainly available because they are popular. The
use of kitsch products ensures that the shop is selling a nostalgic cultural image rather than
the more brutal side of war. The IWMN shop, does however, sell a large number of toys
including miniature tanks and model planes. These objects are not trading on the darkest
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subject matter covered by the museum, but nevertheless have a much more direct
connection to war and death than the kitsch products described above. The museum’s
desire to make money, coupled with the fact that it is purpose-built rather than an actual
place of death, means that it can stock very commercially minded products which have a
correlation with more dif?cult issues.
There are of course elements of the museum’s content which cannot be translated in to
children’s toys or classic kitsch products. IWMN features displays on the Holocaust and the
atom bomb, for example. As discussed above, Sturken (2008) argues that shops shy away
from highly commercial products inspired by dif?cult heritage on grounds of decency, but
also, signi?cantly, because this merchandise would not sell. All of the most disturbing and
graphic elements of the museum are, like at both Auschwitz and ISM, explored only through
the sale of books. The presence of the books is signi?cant since the wider museum
describes itself as having an ‘‘essentially educational purpose’’ (see www.iwm.org.uk/). The
museum website places emphasis on the educational bene?t of the shop’s book range, thus
allowing the museumto trade off dif?cult heritage without appearing unduly pro?teering. The
IWMN shop, despite its much more frivolous merchandise, is still presented as an
educational resource.
Conclusion
This article has built on the work of Macdonald (2012) to show how the shop is an extension
of the interpretive work of dark tourism sites. The retail operations of dark tourism sites are
highly complex and fraught with potential issues relating to taste and decency. Those
museums, like Auschwitz, that are situated at actual sites of death are particularly
constrained in regards to the type of merchandise they are able to stock; obviously
commercial products are unacceptable. However, it is not just the locational identity of the
museums which dictates the type of shop they are able to operate but their particular subject
matter and the way this subject is approached in the gallery space. Therefore the IWMN
shop and, to a lesser extent the ISMshop, are able to trade upon the less sensitive content of
their respective museums through the sale of more obviously commercial and populace
goods. Auschwitz, on the other hand, due to its narrow focus on the Holocaust, does not
have this opportunity. Ultimately, however, the most sensitive issues broached by all three of
the case studies are only traded upon through the sale of books.
The selection of mission appropriate merchandise in order to recon?rm the institutional
mission is highly important at dark tourisminstitutions that are positioned at the darker end of
Stone’s (2006) spectrum. The employment of obviously pro?teering behaviour and
distracting commercial practises would serve to undermine their educational and
memorialising identity. The decision to avoid souvenirs and frivolous products is due both
to the museum’s understanding of decency but also, signi?cantly, because these items
would not be commercially successful. This paper has shown the particular importance of
strictly aligning shop merchandise with site mission and content at dark tourism sites. It is
crucial to avoid selling highly unconnected products, which in turn appear more
commercially motivated, at sites which deal with such dif?cult and distressing subject
matter. Dark tourism site shops should ensure their retail products are truly re?ective of the
rest of the site to ensure both higher sales, but also a higher public opinion of the overall
institution.
The shops at the dark tourism sites described above therefore dress themselves as
necessary educational resources in order to be able to pro?t from their emotional and
contentious subject matter. Pro?t, it emerges, is never truly absent from the museum shop
environment.
This article has added to the established discussion regarding the ethics of presenting mass
death and destruction for public consumption. It has used the work of Cole (2000), for
example, to show how the ethics of holocaust consumption, in particular, are even more
acute within the context of the museum shop where these highly distressing memories are
more explicitly consumed. It has also contributed to the existing literature surrounding the
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use of kitsch interpretive techniques within dark tourism sites by exploring the particular
example of the retro products on offer in the IWMN shop. It has built on the work of Sturken
(2008) and Sharpley (2009c) to show how kitsch products create a sense of nostalgia which
allows the dark tourism sites to trade upon the darker elements of the site.
References
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Cole, T. (2000), Selling the Holocaust: From Auschwitz to Schindler, How History is Bought, Packaged,
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Janes, R. (2009), Museums in a Troubled World: Renewal, Irrelevance, or Collapse?, Routledge,
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Lang, B. (2000), Holocaust Representation: Art within the Limits of History and Ethics, The Johns
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Macdonald, S. (2009), Dif?cult Heritage: Negotiating the Nazi past in Nuremburg and Beyond,
Routledge, London.
Macdonald, S. (2012), ‘‘Museumshop’’, in von Bose, F., Poehls, K., Schneider, F. and Schulze, A. (Eds),
MuseumX: Zur Neuvermessung eines mehrdimensionalen Raumes, Panama Verlag, Berlin, pp. 42-55.
Miles, W. (2001), ‘‘Auschwitz: museum interpretation and darker tourism’’, Annals of Tourism Research,
Vol. 29 No. 4, pp. 1175-1178.
Olaquiaga, C. (1999), The Arti?cial Kingdom: ATreasury of the Kitsch Experience, Bloomsbury, London.
Pearce, S. (1995), On Collecting: An Investigation into Collecting in the European Tradition, Routledge,
London.
Prior, K. (2007), ‘‘Commemorating slavery 2007: a personal view from inside the museums’’, History
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Seaton, A. (2009), ‘‘Purposeful otherness: approaches to the management of thanatourism’’, in Sharpley,
R. and Stone, P. (Eds), The Darker Side of Travel: The Theory and Practise of Dark Tourism, Channel View
Publications, Bristol, pp. 75-108.
Sharpley, R. (2009a), ‘‘Dark tourism and political ideology: towards a governance model’’, in Sharpley,
R. and Stone, P. (Eds), The Darker Side of Travel: The Theory and Practise of Dark Tourism, Channel View
Publications, Bristol, pp. 145-163.
Sharpley, R. (2009b), ‘‘Shedding light on dark tourism: theories and concepts’’, in Sharpley, R. and
Stone, P. (Eds), The Darker Side of Travel: The Theory and Practice of Dark Tourism, Channel View
Publications, Bristol, pp. 3-22.
Sharpley, R. (2009c), ‘‘(Re)presenting the macabre: interpretation, kitschi?cation and authenticity’’,
in Sharpley, R. and Stone, P. (Eds), The Darker Side of Travel: The Theory and Practice of Dark Tourism,
Channel View Publications, Bristol, pp. 109-128.
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Stone, P. (2006), ‘‘A Dark Tourism Spectrum: towards a typology of death and macabre related tourist
sites, attractions and exhibitions’’, Tourism: An Interdisciplinary International Journal, Vol. 54,
pp. 145-160.
Stone, P.R. (2009), ‘‘Dark tourism: morality and newmodern spaces’’, in Sharpley, R. and Stone, P. (Eds),
The Darker Side of Travel: The Theory and Practice of Dark Tourism, Channel View Publications, Bristol,
pp. 56-72.
Sturken, M. (2007), Tourists of History: Memory, Kitsch, and Consumerism from Oklahoma City to
Ground Zero, Duke University Press, Durham, NC.
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Toepler, S. (2006), ‘‘Caveat venditor? Museum merchandising, non-pro?t commercialisation, and the
case of the metropolitan museum in New York’’, Voluntas, Vol. 17, pp. 95-109.
Williams, P. (2007), Memorial Museums: The Global Rush to Commemorate Atrocities, Berg, Oxford.
Wood, M. (2000), Blind Memory: Visual Representations of Slavery in England and America, 1780-1865,
Manchester University Press, Manchester.
Further reading
Logan, W. and Reeves, K. (2009), ‘‘Introduction’’, in Logan, W. and Reeves, K. (Eds), Places of Pain and
Shame: Dealing with ‘‘Dif?cult Heritage’’, Routledge, London, pp. 1-14.
Mottner, S. (2007), ‘‘Retailing and the museum: applying the seven ‘P’s’ of services to marketing to
museum stores’’, in Rentshcler, R. and Hede, A. (Eds), Museum Marketing: Competing in the Global
Marketplace, Butterworth-Heinemann, Oxford, pp. 141-150.
Taylor, M. (2002), ‘‘Duty-free shopping’’, in Grunenberg, C. and Hollein, M. (Eds), Shopping: A Century
of Art and Consumer Culture, Hatje Cantz, Ost?ldern-Ruit, pp. 39-54.
Young, K. (2009), ‘‘Aushwitz-Birkenau: the challenges of heritage management following the cold war’’,
in Logan, W. and Reeves, K. (Eds), Places of Pain and Shame: Dealing with ‘‘Dif?cult Heritage’’,
Routledge, Abingdon, pp. 50-67.
About the author
Jane Brown graduated from the Art Gallery and Museum Studies MA at the University of
Manchester in September 2011. She is currently Exhibitions and Events Of?cer for the City
and County of Swansea, based at Swansea Museum. Jane Brown can be contacted at:
[email protected]
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This article has been cited by:
1. Avital Biran, Kenneth F. Hyde. 2013. New perspectives on dark tourism. International Journal of Culture, Tourism and
Hospitality Research 7:3, 191-198. [Abstract] [Full Text] [PDF]
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doc_968967254.pdf
The purpose of this paper is to analyse the position of the museum shop within dark tourism
sites. In doing so, it argues that the shop has the potential to act as a further meaning-making vehicle by
reconfirming the museum mission within its merchandise selection. The analysis of the particular
position occupied by the museum shop as a for-profit institution within a not-for-profit institution will
reveal the friction that exists between the competing aims of the museum shop to ideologically, as well as
economically, support dark tourism.
International Journal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research
Dark tourism shops: selling “dark” and “difficult” products
J ane Brown
Article information:
To cite this document:
J ane Brown, (2013),"Dark tourism shops: selling “dark” and “difficult” products", International J ournal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality
Research, Vol. 7 Iss 3 pp. 272 - 280
Permanent link to this document:http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/IJ CTHR-05-2012-0039
Downloaded on: 24 January 2016, At: 22:22 (PT)
References: this document contains references to 32 other documents.
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Users who downloaded this article also downloaded:
Avital Biran, Kenneth F. Hyde, (2013),"New perspectives on dark tourism", International J ournal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality
Research, Vol. 7 Iss 3 pp. 191-198http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/IJ CTHR-05-2013-0032
Anna Farmaki, (2013),"Dark tourism revisited: a supply/demand conceptualisation", International J ournal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality
Research, Vol. 7 Iss 3 pp. 281-292http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/IJ CTHR-05-2012-0030
Philip Stone, (2013),"Dark tourism scholarship: a critical review", International J ournal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research, Vol. 7
Iss 3 pp. 307-318http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/IJ CTHR-06-2013-0039
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Dark tourism shops: selling ‘‘dark’’ and
‘‘dif?cult’’ products
Jane Brown
Abstract
Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to analyse the position of the museum shop within dark tourism
sites. In doing so, it argues that the shop has the potential to act as a further meaning-making vehicle by
recon?rming the museum mission within its merchandise selection. The analysis of the particular
position occupied by the museum shop as a for-pro?t institution within a not-for-pro?t institution will
reveal the friction that exists between the competing aims of the museumshop to ideologically, as well as
economically, support dark tourism.
Design/methodology/approach – The author analysed institutional literature and merchandise
selection at three case studies, to explore the relationship between dark tourism sites and their
respective shops.
Findings – The retail operations of dark tourism sites are highly complex and fraught with potential
issues relating to taste and decency. Museums situated at actual sites of death are particularly
constrained in regards to the type of merchandise they are able to stock. However, it is not just the
locational identity of the museums which dictates the type of shop they are able to operate but their
particular subject matter and the way this subject is approached in the gallery space.
Research limitations/implications – This paper is limited by a small survey size. Further research
could include interviews with museum shop professionals and other museum professionals to see how
different areas of the museum see the role and value of museum shops at dark tourism sites.
Originality/value – This is an under-researched area. There has been a growing amount of research in
to the meaning-making potential of museum shops; however, little attention has been given to dark
tourism sites and how dark content impacts upon the nature of the shop.
Keywords Museums, Shops, Merchandising, Dark tourism, Commercialization, Holocaust, Slavery,
War Museum
Paper type Research paper
Introduction
Dark tourismsites display dif?cult subject matter for public consumption. This public display
has led to these sites facing accusations that they trade off the memory of death and disaster
(Cole, 2000). The perennial presence of gift shops, be they staid, educationally focused
book shops or lavish retail meccas to the macabre, compounds this accusation. There is a
generalised distaste that surrounds the criticism of such shops. Indeed, the museum shop
generally has faced consistent accusations that it undermines the cultural offering of
museums and heritage sites. The shop and the museum have traditionally been viewed as
two separate entities with a separate set of competing aims, one cultural and one
commercial. More recently, however, some theorists have begun to discuss the shop as an
intrinsic, not distinct, element of museum and heritage sites (Macdonald, 2012). This article
seeks to build on this work to discuss the way in which gift shops at dark tourism sites select
products that extend the message of the main site.
Shops have become a ubiquitous part of the museum and heritage landscape. They are a
crucial source of revenue for increasingly under-funded institutions, and few now operate
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VOL. 7 NO. 3 2013, pp. 272-280, Q Emerald Group Publishing Limited, ISSN 1750-6182 DOI 10.1108/IJCTHR-05-2012-0039
Jane Brown is based at
Swansea Museum,
Swansea, UK.
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without some sort of retail outlet (Theobald, 2000). The growth of museum and heritage site
shops has been accompanied by a large body of literature which criticises them for being too
commercial for their cultural hosts. Toepler (2006) argues that despite the obvious bene?ts of
commercial activities, money-making initiatives detract from the cultural remit of the museum.
Janes (2009) has been a particularly harsh critic of the increasing importance of shops and
other income generating resources. He argues that museums ‘‘have allowed themselves to be
held increasingly captive by the economic imperatives of the marketplace’’ (p. 13) ensuring
that their public service role has been replaced by a more business-minded model.
This argument is intensi?ed within the context of dark tourism. Shops in dark tourism
institutions are highly constrained by issues of taste and decency. Dark tourism is highly
‘‘provocative’’ which means that these sites have a particularly dif?cult task in managing
their shops (Stone, 2009). Sharpley (2009b) explains that dark tourismsites are burdened by
the need to be managed ‘‘in a manner that pays respect to the dead’’ (Sharpley, 2009b).
Sites can therefore face accusations of unseemly pro?teering if, for example, their stock
choices appear too blatantly commercial or widely unconnected to their subject matter
(Macdonald, 2012). Some theorists have debated whether it is ethical to promote these sites
for tourists to consume (Sharpley, 2009b). Seaton (2009) explains that there is a general
feeling that ‘‘it is unacceptable to pro?t from the dead’’ (p. 87). There are, of course, large
variations between dark tourism sites, and some shops have greater freedom than others in
regards to the type of merchandise they can stock. This article will seek to show that this
potential freedom is dependent on the museum’s subject matter, as well as whether it is an
actual place of death or a purpose-built institution that deals with a controversial subject.
Despite the prevalence of museumshops they remain a neglected area of research (beyond
the basic criticisms of their commercial function). The literature that does exist tends to focus
on the practicalities of museum shop management (see, for example, Andoniadis, 2011;
Leimgruber and Hartmut, 2011; Theobald, 2000). Macdonald (2012) provides one of the few
theoretical discussions devoted to museumshops. She argues that shops and museums are
both ‘‘special thing places’’ that impart value upon their wares (p. 43). She outlines a number
of similarities (e.g. modes of display) and differences (e.g. the potential, or lack thereof, to
take a physical piece of the museum home) between the museum and the shop. She
suggests that it is this dual process of ‘‘sameness and difference’’ that creates a dialogue
between the shop and the museum (p. 43). The shop must re?ect the collection and
institutional message in order to further its educational potential, but it must also challenge
the static nature of the museumby creating ‘‘thing mobility’’ through sales (p. 43). Ultimately,
Macdonald (2012) argues that ‘‘museum shops should not be seen as an added . extra ,
to the museum, but should be regarded as fully part of the complex object-identity work that
museums perform’’ (p. 53).
This article will build on the work of Macdonald (2012), using the speci?c example of dark
tourism sites, to show how the stock in the shop is re?ective of the content and message of
the wider institution. This article is important as it is analyses a signi?cantly
under-researched part of dark tourism (and museum and heritage sites more generally).
Established issues relating to the ethics of the display and consumption of dark tourism are
used to analyse the type and range of stock sold at three different shops. This article is
particularly signi?cant given the global economic crisis, which has already forced
governments around the world to reduce the level of funding available to museums and
heritage sites. It is likely that these organisations will be forced to rely even more heavily on
the income raised by their shops. This article therefore has practical implications as it shows
how the shop is an integrated part of the museum which re?ects the wider institutional
content and message.
There are a plethora of different sites around the world which could be classi?ed as
purveyors of dark tourism. Sharpley (2009b) takes a particularly broad approach to the
de?nition of dark tourism sites explaining simply that they are ‘‘sites associated with death,
suffering and the macabre’’. For Stone (2006), there are many shades of dark and light within
dark tourism. His dark tourism spectrum can be used to determine ‘‘how dark’’ a particular
site is. At the darkest end of the spectrum are sites that deal exclusively with emotional
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subject matter and which are based at actual sites of death or disaster. Conversely, at the
lightest end of the spectrum are sites that deal with dark subjects from purpose built
locations. Stone’s (2006) spectrum has been employed in the selection of the case studies
belowin order to determine the way that shades of darkness manifest themselves in the retail
operations of dark sites.
The particular case studies have also been selected in reference to Macdonald’s (2009)
de?nition of what she refers to as dif?cult heritage. Macdonald (2009) explains that dif?cult
heritage references a past that is ‘‘meaningful [. . .] but also contested and awkward for [the
present]’’ (p. 1). She argues that the Holocaust, colonialism and the Allied role in the First
and Second World Wars are all examples of this type of heritage. Each of these historically
dif?cult subject matters are represented in the following case studies, respectively:
B the Auschwitz-Birkenau Museum;
B the International Slavery Museum; and
B the Imperial War Museum North.
Underpinning Macdonald’s assessment of dif?cult heritage sites is the dif?culty that these
institutions have in representing this type of history. This article will argue that this dif?culty is
also represented in the shop.
The Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum is analysed as it is situated at an actual place of
death and ‘‘arguably the epitome of Holocaust-related dark tourism’’ (Sharpley, 2009a,
p. 152). As it is an actual site of death, has a commemorative focus and deals with highly
politicised subject matter it occupies the darkest position on Stone’s (2006) spectrum. The
International Museum of Slavery is not a site of death but is still closely connected to its
subject and therefore can be considered as occupying a slightly lighter position on the
spectrum. As a purpose-built museum the Imperial War Museum North is the lightest case
study assessed in this article, despite still addressing a number of dif?cult subjects.
Auschwitz-Birkenau
The Auschwitz-Birkenau Museum (hereafter ‘‘Auschwitz’’) in Poland is the most notorious
dark tourism site in the world. It is the actual place where some of the worst atrocities of the
Holocaust occurred. The site-speci?c nature of Auschwitz, at the same time as fuelling its
ability to act as a memorial and educational resource, also places a burden on its retail
operations. There is a general acceptance amongst dark tourismtheorists that heritage sites
at the actual place of death and destruction are more emotive than purpose-built sites. Miles
(2002) explains that site-speci?c sites are not just museums or memorials, but they are also
‘‘mass graveyards’’. Running a shop under these circumstances clearly raises challenges
regarding taste and decency. Dark tourism sites of this nature cannot appear to be pro?ting
from the sale of commercial goods relating to the harrowing deaths of those they are
designed to memorialise.
The representation of the Holocaust has long been the subject of intense debate. A number
of theorists maintain that it is impossible to adequately represent the Holocaust (see, for
example, Bartov, 1996; Lang, 2000). Theodore Adorno famously stated in 1955 that ‘‘to write
poetry after Auschwitz is barbaric’’ (Adorno, 1955; cited in Adorno, 2003, p. 162). He
expresses the tension that characterises any representation of the Holocaust; it is impossible
to do so adequately and therefore any such attempt is an insult to the memory of the victims.
Although he believes that inadequately representing the Holocaust is preferable to it being
forgotten, the inherent problem with such representations is ‘‘the possibility that pleasure
can be squeezed from it’’ (Adorno, p, 252). Indeed, such is the popularity of the museum
that Cole (2000) has dubbed it ‘‘Auschwitz-Land’’, the prime location of ‘‘Holocaust tourism’’.
He argues that the true message of remembrance is obscured by the masses of tourists who
pass through Auschwitz to simply consume the holocaust. Although Auschwitz does not
necessarily represent the entertainment vehicle feared by Adorno, its massive popularity
equates the museum’s mission to a product that is consumed by the mass market, which
Cole argues serves to hinder its ability to act as true memorial.
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The transformation of the shop at Auschwitz from the classic museum shop, which sells a
wide range of obviously commercial goods, into the sober and serious educational
bookstore, can be linked to wider debates about the representation of the Holocaust
discussed above. If the heritage displays at Auschwitz can face accusations of
commercialising the holocaust, its retail operations must be even more carefully
managed. Holocaust representations are required to be serious, educational and bereft of
obvious entertainment value to avoid criticisms, like Adorno’s, that they are primarily about
providing enjoyment. This understanding of Holocaust representation explains why, for
example, Stephen Spielberg, the director whose work is typi?ed by big-budget, fast-action
blockbusters, chose to ?lm the Holocaust classic Schindler’s List in sombre black and white.
The same processes are identi?able in the decision to swap logo-branded lunch boxes for
hard-bound volumes of survivor testimonies. The universal horror surrounding the Holocaust
dictates the way in which it can be depicted and sold at Auschwitz. The book shop presents
itself as a worthy place of learning, which recon?rms the memorialising message and sober
atmosphere of the museum, but also meets the needs of the visitors by providing the
educational material they expect.
Macdonald (2012) argues that in order to align the shop with the mission of Auschwitz, its
educational potential is exaggerated via a focus on books. Signi?cantly, the shop is
speci?cally described as a book shop (seehttp://en.auschwitz.org/m/). The 2011 annual
report only mentions the bookstore to explain that museum publications are available for
purchase. Notably, the ?nancial contribution of the shop is not explicitly mentioned (seehttp://en.auschwitz.org/m/). The book shop is an institutionally endorsed space where
visitors can go to further their knowledge of the Holocaust. It is not a medium that competes
with the museum, or distracts from its aims through obviously commercial practices. By
recon?rming the values of the main museum space, the book shop at Auschwitz provides a
further space for learning. The emphasis on education allows the museum shop to trade
upon the memory of the Holocaust without appearing insensitive.
The physical position of the shop at Auschwitz has frequently faced major criticism. It is
located in the main reception building along with the visitor information point and the ticket
kiosk. This building was originally where, upon arrival to the camp, Holocaust victims were
stripped of their possessions, their heads shaved and their names replaced by a number
(Jan Van Pelt and Dwork, 1996). The irony of this situation has not been lost on Cole (2000),
who states that ‘‘the place of prisoner initiation [. . .] has silently become the place of tourist
initiation’’ (p. 182). He notes that the addition of the shop ensures that its original function is
completely obscured. Young highlights similar criticisms that were voiced over the intention
to build a disco in Oswiecim, the town next to Auschwitz. Those opposed to this
development argued that this highly commercial venture would lead to the ‘‘moral and
physical degradation’’ of historical buildings at Auschwitz. Young explains that the town itself
was accused of being ‘‘opportunistic and heartless’’ for developing commercial businesses
on the borders of Auschwitz. The sensitivity over pro?t making commercial ventures both
inside and adjacent to Auschwitz shows that such enterprises are deemed to detract from
the historical signi?cance of dark tourism sites. It is useful to note that being particularly
‘‘commercial’’ places, some dark tourism sites at the lighter end of Stone’s (2006) spectrum.
This suggests that appearing highly commercial serves to weaken an institution’s claim as a
worthy, memorialising site.
The International Slavery Museum
Similarly to Auschwitz, the International Slavery Museum in Liverpool, UK has a strong
educational mission to promote a deeper understanding of the Transatlantic Slave Trade
(see www.liverpoolmuseums.org.uk/ism/). The Slave Trade, like the Holocaust, is an
incredibly emotive and potentially contentious subject to exhibit (see, for example, Horton
and Horton, 2009). ISM deals with a subject of global importance (signi?ed by the use of the
word ‘‘international’’ in its title) but is still very much tied to its location (Wood, 2000).
However, unlike Auschwitz, it is not situated at an actual site of death as the suffering and
violence occurred aboard the slave ships and at plantations in America and the Caribbean.
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The ISMshop stocks a number of items, including logo-branded bags, badges and erasers,
which would simply not be found at Auschwitz. In this instance, a degree of distance fromthe
centre of the trauma enables a degree of commercial freedom. It is possible that
geographical distance serves to ease the burden placed on the retail operations of dark
tourism sites. However, the subject of slavery, coupled with the wider educational mission of
the museum, ensures that the shop must still present itself as a learning aid by emphasising
its educational possibilities.
The fact that ISM is located within the same building as the Merseyside Maritime Museum
(hereafter ‘‘MMM’’) also reduces the constraints on its shop. The two museums, as well as
sharing a building, share a retail outlet. The shop stocks a number of unconnected,
low-priced toys usually aimed at children. Since there are no clear visual separations
between the stock of the two museums these unconnected items cannot be easily identi?ed
as an exponent of either. These objects are not, however, merchandised next to any of those
goods that have an obvious connection to ISM (such as the African-art inspired ornaments).
They are instead located at the till point, negating any possibility of tying them directly to a
speci?c museum. In short, by sharing retail space with the Merseyside Maritime Museum,
the International Slavery Museum is able to bene?t from the commercial success of such
items without having to negotiate any of the aforementioned concerns regarding taste and
decency.
The shop also stocks a large amount of merchandise that is intimately tied to the museum’s
collection. The museum is split into three distinct themes across three separate galleries:
1. pre-slavery African culture;
2. the history of the Transatlantic Slave Trade; and
3. the legacy of the Slave Trade.
Prior (2007) argues that the ?rst gallery follows the current accepted rubric, which has seen
academics and museum professionals alike endeavouring to present the sophisticated and
distinct culture that pre-dated any Western interference in Africa. The gallery thus has a
celebratory focus marked out by the use of bright colours and music. The middle gallery is
reserved for graphically depicting the horrors of the slave trade. Kowaleski Wallace (2008)
notes that the ‘‘moods lightens considerably’’ in the ?nal gallery, which explores the legacy
of the Slave Trade. The last gallery celebrates black culture by focusing on the achievements
of prevalent black individuals. This celebration is continued in the shop where visitors can
purchase ornaments and jewellery inspired by African design, as well as postcards and
pictures that feature the famous faces of the legacy gallery. The shop, by focusing its more
commercial merchandise on the celebratory elements of the gallery, is able to avoid trading
on the horror of the Slave Trade itself. Equally, by recon?rming the speci?c themes presented
in the gallery, the shop demonstrates the understanding of the Slave Trade presented by the
museum.
The representation of the middle gallery, the gallery which truly tackles the ‘‘darkness’’ of the
Slave Trade, is not traded upon in the same way. Wood (2000) argues that the dif?culty of
truly representing the experience of slavery is comparable to the dif?culty of representing
the Holocaust. He is thus highly critical of IMS’s attempts to recreate the ‘‘middle passage’’
(the journey aboard the slave ships from Africa to the plantation). Wood (2000) argues that
‘‘you cannot merchandise, advertise and package the middle passage’’ (p. 300). If one is
criticised for representing the middle passage in a gallery setting, the horror of the Slave
Trade cannot then be more literally merchandised and packaged in the shop. The ISM shop
employs the same tactic as Auschwitz to tackle its most dif?cult subject matter. Any allusion
to the experience of the Slave Trade itself is done through the sale of books. Again, the
educational merit of these books is emphasised. In the ‘‘History of the Transatlantic Slave
Trade’’ section of the museum website visitors are directed to ‘‘?nd out more’’ by purchasing
books from the museum shop (see www.liverpoolmuseums.org.uk/ism/). The commercial
aims of the shop are therefore masked behind the veil of education allowing the shop to
maintain its appearance as a further space for learning. Through the wider scope of the
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gallery, and the fact that it is not located at an actual site of death, the ISM shop enjoys
greater freedom in regards to its merchandise than the Auschwitz book shop. Despite this
increase in freedom the shop still ensures it maintains a strong educational identity in order
to align itself with the wider institutional mission and to enable it to trade off the darker
elements of the Slave Trade through books.
The Imperial War Museum North
The Imperial War MuseumNorth (hereafter ‘‘IWMN’’), the most recent addition to the Imperial
War Museum brand, opened in 2002 at Salford Quays in the UK. Unlike Auschwitz or ISM,
IWMN’s collection has no intrinsic connection to its physical location; it is a purpose-built
space from which to explore the effects of war. Williams (2007) explains that purpose-built
museums, unlike site-speci?c memorial museums, often discuss dark subject matter much
more broadly, and may depict themnext to less contentious issues. As IWMNis not an actual
place of death it has much greater freedomin regards to exhibition material, and in turn, in its
retail operations. The museum has a strong focus on the First and Second World Wars, as
well as depicting more modern-day con?icts (see www.iwm.org.uk/). Necessarily the
museum deals with some extremely dif?cult subject matter relating to massive destruction
and death. The stated mission of the museum, however, is to explore how‘‘war shapes lives’’
and to increase the understanding of war-time experience (see www.iwm.org.uk/). The
museum therefore focuses on how the lives of ordinary people are affected by war. By
focusing on people’s lives the museum avoids the possibility of simply depicting the most
harrowing historical events. The shop operates in a similar way by supplying products
relating to the experience of war during the ?rst part of the twentieth century. In doing so it
avoids the darkest issues in order to stock much more varied merchandise.
The focus on wartime Britain is achieved in the shop through the evocative use of retro and
nostalgic products. These products are connected to the depiction of the British ‘‘home
front’’ displayed in the main gallery. Visitors are able to buy ‘‘ration’’ fudge, 1940s-inspired
fashion, and traditional British toys, like larapino and cup and ball. Pearce (1995) explains
that retro objects, like those described above, can be labelled a very particularly kind of
‘‘kitsch’’ that is concerned with ‘‘commercial reminiscence’’. Similarly, Olaquiaga (1999)
argues that nostalgic kitsch acts as a form of selective remembrance that embodies only the
‘‘acceptable parts’’ of the past for consumption and ignores more traumatic experiences.
Sturken (2008) expands on the work of Olaquiaga (1999), arguing that kitsch objects provide
an ‘‘easy formula for grief’’. She explains that the ‘‘pre-packaged sentiment [of kitsch]
conveys the message that this sentiment is shared, that it is appropriate and, importantly,
that it is enough’’ (p. 28). For Sturken (2008), therefore, there is comfort in kitsch. The comfort
of kitsch, identi?able in products such as the ‘‘bits and pieces tin’’ at IWMN, allows visitors to
purchase something of an imagined past in which there was innocence and humour, as well
as destruction.
The shop is signi?cant for visitors of IWMN since it is a welcome contrast to the more dif?cult
topics broached in the main museum. Signi?cantly, Sharpley (2009c) explains that kitsch
‘‘does not emerge in a political vacuum’’ and that it responds to ‘‘particular kinds of historical
events’’ (p. 125) in distinct ways. There are no comforting kitsch objects on sale at
Auschwitz; there is no comfort to be found at a memorial to the Holocaust. The museumdoes
not wish to provide ‘‘comfort’’ to its visitors, instead it is concerned with maintaining the
memory of the horror of the holocaust. It emerges, therefore, that the use or non-use of kitsch
is determined by the wider scope of the institution.
Moreover, the use of nostalgic products allows the shop to trade on a memory of war-time
Britain that is both acceptable and marketable. Of course the popularity of such ‘‘retro’’
products is surely the main reason they are stocked. Indeed, the nostalgic kitsch objects
stocked by the shop may not be consciously selected as a means of creating comfort for
visitors at all. Instead, kitsch objects are certainly available because they are popular. The
use of kitsch products ensures that the shop is selling a nostalgic cultural image rather than
the more brutal side of war. The IWMN shop, does however, sell a large number of toys
including miniature tanks and model planes. These objects are not trading on the darkest
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subject matter covered by the museum, but nevertheless have a much more direct
connection to war and death than the kitsch products described above. The museum’s
desire to make money, coupled with the fact that it is purpose-built rather than an actual
place of death, means that it can stock very commercially minded products which have a
correlation with more dif?cult issues.
There are of course elements of the museum’s content which cannot be translated in to
children’s toys or classic kitsch products. IWMN features displays on the Holocaust and the
atom bomb, for example. As discussed above, Sturken (2008) argues that shops shy away
from highly commercial products inspired by dif?cult heritage on grounds of decency, but
also, signi?cantly, because this merchandise would not sell. All of the most disturbing and
graphic elements of the museum are, like at both Auschwitz and ISM, explored only through
the sale of books. The presence of the books is signi?cant since the wider museum
describes itself as having an ‘‘essentially educational purpose’’ (see www.iwm.org.uk/). The
museum website places emphasis on the educational bene?t of the shop’s book range, thus
allowing the museumto trade off dif?cult heritage without appearing unduly pro?teering. The
IWMN shop, despite its much more frivolous merchandise, is still presented as an
educational resource.
Conclusion
This article has built on the work of Macdonald (2012) to show how the shop is an extension
of the interpretive work of dark tourism sites. The retail operations of dark tourism sites are
highly complex and fraught with potential issues relating to taste and decency. Those
museums, like Auschwitz, that are situated at actual sites of death are particularly
constrained in regards to the type of merchandise they are able to stock; obviously
commercial products are unacceptable. However, it is not just the locational identity of the
museums which dictates the type of shop they are able to operate but their particular subject
matter and the way this subject is approached in the gallery space. Therefore the IWMN
shop and, to a lesser extent the ISMshop, are able to trade upon the less sensitive content of
their respective museums through the sale of more obviously commercial and populace
goods. Auschwitz, on the other hand, due to its narrow focus on the Holocaust, does not
have this opportunity. Ultimately, however, the most sensitive issues broached by all three of
the case studies are only traded upon through the sale of books.
The selection of mission appropriate merchandise in order to recon?rm the institutional
mission is highly important at dark tourisminstitutions that are positioned at the darker end of
Stone’s (2006) spectrum. The employment of obviously pro?teering behaviour and
distracting commercial practises would serve to undermine their educational and
memorialising identity. The decision to avoid souvenirs and frivolous products is due both
to the museum’s understanding of decency but also, signi?cantly, because these items
would not be commercially successful. This paper has shown the particular importance of
strictly aligning shop merchandise with site mission and content at dark tourism sites. It is
crucial to avoid selling highly unconnected products, which in turn appear more
commercially motivated, at sites which deal with such dif?cult and distressing subject
matter. Dark tourism site shops should ensure their retail products are truly re?ective of the
rest of the site to ensure both higher sales, but also a higher public opinion of the overall
institution.
The shops at the dark tourism sites described above therefore dress themselves as
necessary educational resources in order to be able to pro?t from their emotional and
contentious subject matter. Pro?t, it emerges, is never truly absent from the museum shop
environment.
This article has added to the established discussion regarding the ethics of presenting mass
death and destruction for public consumption. It has used the work of Cole (2000), for
example, to show how the ethics of holocaust consumption, in particular, are even more
acute within the context of the museum shop where these highly distressing memories are
more explicitly consumed. It has also contributed to the existing literature surrounding the
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use of kitsch interpretive techniques within dark tourism sites by exploring the particular
example of the retro products on offer in the IWMN shop. It has built on the work of Sturken
(2008) and Sharpley (2009c) to show how kitsch products create a sense of nostalgia which
allows the dark tourism sites to trade upon the darker elements of the site.
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in Logan, W. and Reeves, K. (Eds), Places of Pain and Shame: Dealing with ‘‘Dif?cult Heritage’’,
Routledge, Abingdon, pp. 50-67.
About the author
Jane Brown graduated from the Art Gallery and Museum Studies MA at the University of
Manchester in September 2011. She is currently Exhibitions and Events Of?cer for the City
and County of Swansea, based at Swansea Museum. Jane Brown can be contacted at:
[email protected]
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This article has been cited by:
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