Description
The behavior of British youth abroad has caused considerable concern over recent years.
This is because many British youth engage in binge drinking, drug use, sex behavior and other risk
behaviors – especially in the Balearics, Spain. While research has documented levels of alcohol use,
drug use, risk and sex behaviors on these islands, it tends to rely on survey data. This article aims to offer
some contextualization to the British youth holiday experience and to examine why such behaviors might
take place.
International Journal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research
Understanding British youth behaviors on holiday in Ibiza
Daniel Briggs Tim Turner
Article information:
To cite this document:
Daniel Briggs Tim Turner, (2012),"Understanding British youth behaviors on holiday in Ibiza", International J ournal of Culture, Tourism and
Hospitality Research, Vol. 6 Iss 1 pp. 81 - 90
Permanent link to this document:http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/17506181211206270
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Users who downloaded this article also downloaded:
Daniel Briggs, Tim Turner, Kerri David, Tara De Courcey, (2011),"British youth abroad: some observations on the social context of binge
drinking in Ibiza", Drugs and Alcohol Today, Vol. 11 Iss 1 pp. 26-35http://dx.doi.org/10.5042/daat.2011.0132
(2014),"Deviance and Risk on Holiday – An Ethnography of British Tourists in Ibiza2014 2 Deviance and Risk on Holiday – An Ethnography
of British Tourists in Ibiza Palgrave Macmillan 2013 978-1-137-02239-4", International J ournal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research,
Vol. 8 Iss 1 pp. 120-122http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/IJ CTHR-11-2013-0081
Daniel Briggs, Sébastien Tutenges, Rebecca Armitage, Dimitar Panchev, (2011),"Sexy substances and the substance of sex: findings from
an ethnographic study in Ibiza, Spain", Drugs and Alcohol Today, Vol. 11 Iss 4 pp. 173-187http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/17459261111194116
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Understanding British youth behaviors on
holiday in Ibiza
Daniel Briggs and Tim Turner
Abstract
Purpose – The behavior of British youth abroad has caused considerable concern over recent years.
This is because many British youth engage in binge drinking, drug use, sex behavior and other risk
behaviors – especially in the Balearics, Spain. While research has documented levels of alcohol use,
drug use, risk and sex behaviors on these islands, it tends to rely on survey data. This article aims to offer
some contextualization to the British youth holiday experience and to examine why such behaviors might
take place.
Design/methodology/approach – The study uses ethnographic methods (observation, open-ended
focus groups) with British youth in San Antonio, Ibiza. Over the course of one week in July 2010, 17 focus
groups were undertaken (n ¼ 97 aged between 17 and 31). Observations were conducted in bars,
clubs, beaches, and general tourist areas.
Findings – The data suggest that young people engage in these behaviors not only to escape the
constraints of work and family but also because they are exciting. The data also indicate that these
behaviors appeared to help British youth construct life biographies which were integral to their identity
construction. The ?ndings are also considered within the social context of Ibiza which also played a role
in promoting these behaviors.
Originality/value – No ethnographic research exists on the topic of British youth and their behaviors
abroad. Previous research is mostly epidemiological survey research which does not adequately
consider the social meaning and context for the behavior of British youth abroad.
Keywords British youth, Holiday, Risk, Drugs, Alcohol, Sex and risk behaviours, Young adults,
Individual behaviour, Leisure activities, Tourism, Risk analysis, Spain
Paper type Research paper
1. Introduction
Ibiza is a popular holiday destination choice for British youth (Govern de les Illes de Balears,
2008). It is speci?cally marketed (Sellars, 1998) because of the international reputation for
nightlife (Bellis et al., 2003; IREFREA, 2007), ‘‘wild’’ party scene and easy access to illegal
substances (Bellis et al., 2003; Hughes et al., 2004; Josiam et al., 1998; Segev et al., 2005;
Smeaton et al., 1998). Historically, the economy of Ibiza relies heavily on the commercial
promotion of clubs and DJs (Garratt, 1998) as well as the drug market (Armstrong, 2004).
For British youth, Ibiza is therefore indelibly associated with dance music, alcohol, drug use
and sex (Bellis et al., 2003; Calafat et al., 1998; Engineer et al., 2003; Hughes et al., 2004,
2009). However, prior UK research in Ibiza are survey-based studies (Bellis et al., 2000;
Bellis et al., 2003; Department of Health, 2005; Hughes et al., 2004, 2009).
Such epidemiological studies tend to portray youth behaviors abroad as dangerous and the
young people who engage in them as vulnerable. However cultural studies researchers
argue that young people are ‘‘active negotiators of the relationship between structure and
agency’’ (Ettore and Miles, 2002, p. 173).
DOI 10.1108/17506181211206270 VOL. 6 NO. 1 2012, pp. 81-90, Q Emerald Group Publishing Limited, ISSN 1750-6182
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PAGE 81
Daniel Briggs is Senior
Lecturer in Criminology and
Criminal Justice at the
School of Law, University of
East London, London, UK.
Tim Turner is Senior
Lecturer in Criminology in
the Department of Social
and Community Studies,
Coventry University,
Coventry, UK.
Received September 2009
Revised April 2010
Accepted July 2010
The authors thank Dave Baker
and John Woolham at Coventry
University for reviewing the
paper. Additional thanks are
given to Arch Woodside for his
helpful comments. The authors
also extend thanks to Tara de
Courcey and Kerri David for
their assistance with some of
the ?eldwork and the 97 British
young people who provide
information for this research.
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To date there no ethnographic analysis explores reasons why British youth might engage in
these behaviors whilst on holiday abroad. This issue is the primary aim of the article. While
research shows that British youth do this to escape the constraints of work and family which
moderate everyday behaviors (Bellis et al., 2002; Carter, 1997; Carter et al., 1997; Ryan and
Kinder, 1996) others suggest the thrill of transgression and the seductions of risk are relevant
reasons (Hayward, 2002) and the intent to construct meaning through ‘‘memorable’’ holiday
experiences. This conclusion is important to consider because of the ?uidity of late modern
identities (Bauman, 2004, 2007); with young people increasingly expected to construct their
own biographies (Helve and Bynner, 2007) in uncertain times (Beck, 1992; Giddens, 1991);
and doing so through the consumption of items such as fashion, music and drugs (Furlong
and Cartmel, 1997; Miles, 2000).
This study shows how the quest to construct these memorable ‘‘experiences’’ among British
youth interplays with the aggressive commercialization and commodi?cation of pleasure
and youthful excess in Ibiza. This relationship is integral to youth biographies and identities,
and therefore important to consider for understanding why British youth engage in
substance use and various sex and risk behaviors abroad.
The aims of the research project include completing the following objectives: examine the
drinking attitudes among British youth abroad; investigate the reasons which underpin these
attitudes; explore the role of bars and clubs, and tour operators in the promotion of alcohol.
An additional research interest is drug use, sex and risk behaviors. The research was carried
out from June 2010 to July 2010.
2. Methods
This research study applies an ethnographic method (Hammersley, 1992). The study
included three stages. The ?rst stage involves gathering relevant material on the subject
area. The second stage uses six focus groups with young people who are experienced on
such holidays. The third and ?nal stage uses focus groups and observations in Ibiza.
Observations were conducted in bars, clubs, beaches, and general touristic areas. These
areas were public and activity was observed which would have happened without
intervention or in?uence fromresearchers. The intention was not necessarily to ‘‘[live] the life
to the extent that it is legally and ethically possible’’ (Inciardi, 1995, p. 251) but rather to
make astute objective observations of British youth and their behaviors. The study uses a
delicate combination of overt and covert roles (see Adler, 1985; Agar, 1986; Bourgois, 1995).
Low inference descriptors (?eld notes) record precise detailed descriptions of participants
and their activities (Van Maanen, 1988). Researchers’ thoughts and impressions accompany
these notes, as well as summaries of conversations. This information was noted within a few
hours of concluding observation sessions and these data were entered directly into a
password-secured laptop.
A total of 17 focus groups were undertaken in Ibiza (n ¼ 97, aged between 17 and 31) over
one week. The focus groups were open-ended. This enabled researchers to determine how
British youth interpret and talk about their behaviors (Carlson et al., 1994). They were
digitally recorded, with signed/verbal consent. No formal sampling strategy was done and
recruiting groups into the study was entirely opportunistic. Every group which was
approached agreed to participate in the research.
Informal conversations were also undertaken with local businesses, bar owners, taxi drivers
and tourist representatives about their perceptions of British youth abroad. Informal
conversations were mentally noted and written up into observation notes. All participants
were given pseudonyms. Once transcribed, interview and observation data was
categorized thematically, with the key areas of investigation providing the overall
framework for coding (Ritchie and Spencer, 2004). Analyses were inductive, which meant
that themes emerged from the data rather than being hypothesized.
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3. Findings
3.1 Ibiza: the place to ‘‘be’’
Daniel [Interviewer and author]: Why come to Ibiza?
GG 1: For the ‘‘experience’’. Something a bit different.
Daniel: But what is so ‘‘different’’ about it?
GG1: Atmosphere, init. [Eats baked beans] Back home I hear of other places like to go on holiday
but not hear [. . .] I mean people talk more about Ibiza so for us back home, Ibiza is the best place
to go, the place to be.
GG2: That’s it, init.
Many young people hear how ‘‘amazing’’ Ibiza is through their peer networks. While some
young people had never experienced Ibiza, some had already visited the island on four or
?ve occasions. A few, in their early 30s, had visited Ibiza every summer for the last 12 years.
A high proportion of young people appeared to have built up a bank of holiday experiences
in destinations such as Zakynthos, Kos, Malia (all Greek islands), Aiya Napa (Cyprus) and
Magaluf (Majorca). However, it was Ibiza that had most attracted them. Many expressed a
desire to come and ‘‘experience’’ the clubs, bars, drugs and general atmosphere of Ibiza.
They appeared willing to spend very large sums of money (e14,000 in one month between
two young Brits) to capture that experience:
Beachgirl 1: I don’t care about money here. I don’t think twice, I saved this money to put it on this
[holiday].
Daniel: And what if you need to withdraw more money?
Beachgirl 1: Like, I would care, like a little bit pissed off, but you are on holiday.
Beachgirl 2: I only have £1 in my account at the moment.
Many explain how the Ibiza ‘‘experience’’ acts as a relief from the tedium of daily work and
family pressures back in the UK. Typically, Neil says ‘‘You are working all year. In England,
you haven’t got sun, you haven’t got beaches. It is different. You are away for two weeks. You
think about nothing else but you on holiday. Go away, get hammered, get laid.’’ Life at home
is constructed as mundane and the holiday experience offers a chance for them to express
themselves.
3.2 Ibiza: lasting memories, ‘‘anonymous’’ identities
Chatterbox: Yeah, but we only go on holiday once a year, nah what I mean. Think of all the
memories you are gonna get. No kids, no commitments, you won’t be able to do this soon.
Bam Bam: Yeah, its like the memories. Like, the next day we go through all four cameras to see
what happened [the previous evening].
Chatterbox: We wait all year for this as well. We need to make the most of it.
Young people in the sample had fewqualms about spending hundreds of Euros as they gain
a priceless return of memorable experiences. However, in Ibiza, many young people appear
to think it is an opportunity to forget ‘‘whoever’’ they are, and instead opt to embrace
anonymity and ‘‘be’’ someone different. Because no one knows who they are and no one is
regulating their behavior (not even their friends because ‘‘what goes on in Ibiza, stays in
Ibiza’’), it frequently means they often engage in behavior that they would not normally do
back in the UK. In a focus group of three male friends in Ibiza, this man in his mid-20s said:
Man 1: There is no restriction here, back home there is restriction. I have a family and work [. . .]
everyone is on edge. The police, everyone! Here, no one looks at you twice. [Back home you] Got
to think about work, bills, pressure, but here [in Ibiza] you don’t think about shit, it is all about you,
your friends and relaxing. You just enjoy it.
Daniel: Have you had any luck with the women yet?
Man 1: Oh yeah [. . .] I had a good time [winks at me and high ?ves me].
Daniel: Ok, so you have a girlfriend but stuff happened here.
Man 1: I wouldn’t say I have a girlfriend, I would say I have a wife.
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The ‘‘holiday’’ environment appears to offer new parameters for individual and group
permissiveness because many young people sought to construct these memorable
experiences with their friends through drunken/drug/sex events. In fact, it is because many
of the sample travel in groups that these kind of behaviors are encouraged. In this
conversation, these young Scottish men describe women as ‘‘holes’’:
Daniel: We were just talking about ‘‘holes’’ and whether you were up for any.
Scot 1: [Sitting down and interrupting own sip of cocktail] Fucking right, fucking right.
Dan: Right, so how many ‘‘holes’’ have you had?
Scot 1: Two. Bad ones. Smelly ones, stinking fucking ones. Came all over them. Hookers.
Scot 2: Whatever happens in Ibiza, stays in Ibiza.
Scot 1: [High ?ves Scot 2] Fucking right. Fuck the STDs.
They explain how these activities are not attempted at home in order to protect their pride
and reputation. On holiday, however, it creates memorable experiences which can be
recounted on Facebook and with peers when they return. In this sense, the world is captured
in the immediacy of the digital camera image more than through actual memory. In another
example, researchers spent 18 hours with some young men who had drunk around 12 pints
of beer during the day, snorted cocaine, and each taken three ecstasy pills over the course
of the night.
Yet still their experience continues:
And it didn’t stop there because when they got back to the hotel at 7 a.m. they went to get the CD
player and headed down to the beach to take Ketamine – purchased earlier from a mate who
dealt drugs on the island. On the beach they were ‘‘mashed’’. As Simon took the Ketamine, there
was a thud as he hit the ?oor. His mates grabbed his armand dragged himin the sea while he was
still semi-conscious – laughing while they did it [. . .] When we return later that morning, we ?nd
Simon decorated in nail clippings, sun tan lotion and cigarette ash. He also cut his own hair with
scissors. When Simon woke up, he said ‘‘what happened to me, where is my leg’’ because he
could not move it because of the sleeping position he had been in – we suppose – or was it the
after effects of the Ketamine? [Field notes: nightclubbing 27 July 2010 and the recovery 28 July
2010].
Their Facebook pages showthese images fromthis night and many comments on the ‘‘crazy
night it was’’. Some young people appear to take an odd reassurance in their construction of
the Ibiza ‘‘experience’’ – despite the sinister and brutal consequences. A group of young
girls in our sample said they had been molested by ‘‘foreign men’’ and beaten by both
nightclub bouncers and police. This happened only ?ve hours prior to the interview. When
the interview began, they were understandably angry about their victimization but after 40
minutes, the anger desisted and their attitude changed. They had already started to think
about their potential Facebook statuses:
Sunglasses 1: This morning we are all serious but now we are laughing about it in a way.
Broad accent 1: Icing on the cake. [Laughs]
Tim [Interviewer and author]: Have any of you put this on Facebook yet?
All: No, not yet.
Sunglasses 1: Not had time but we will after this [breakfast].
Blue eyed 1: In the car, on the way home from all this [the police station] I thought about it
[Facebook status]. Mines going to be: ‘‘Arrested and assaulted in Ibiza [. . .] very typical me’’.
Sunglasses 1: Mine is going to be: ‘‘Welcome to fucking Ibiza [. . .] already been molested and
arrested’’.
The highly traumatic event is magically transformed into a ‘‘great story’’ within a few short
hours of it happening; one which they can recount for many years.
3.3 Ibiza: designed for the ‘‘experience’’
Daniel: But what is the point in getting fucked [drunk]?
Girl 1: We come here for a couple of weeks and last night, I didn’t want to get pissed [drunk]. So
we just walked around [San Antonio] and did nothing, there was nothing else to do. So we ended
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up getting pissed for nothing. There are no places to go.
Daniel: Is it designed for you to get pissed?
Girl 2: Yeah but I like that, fucking right I like that.
The data also shows that these ‘‘Ibiza experiences’’ embraced by British youth are heavily
in?uenced and shaped by a social context that aggressively promotes alcohol, drugs and
sex. So while young people actively engage in behaviors that they perceive as expected
within the social context of Ibiza, so Ibiza endorses and facilitates these behaviors. In these
few minutes spent on the main drinking strip in San Antonio, one can see how aggressively
alcohol is marketed:
Promo woman: Are you coming in again?
Daniel: Again? We haven’t been in yet! How did you remember us?
Promo woman: Yeah, come in for some drinks.
We move on. As I look down the strip, the streets are strewn with drink bottles, vomit, waste,
half-eaten burgers, chips and all manner of rubbish. Suddenly:
Lively promo man: Come in here to have a drink. Get two free shots as well, guys.
Daniel: [looking at the sign] e10?
Lively promo man: [Physically shepherding me in] What would you like to drink?
Tara: We’ll try you in a while.
Daniel: We’re coming back, calm down.
Lively promo man: Come down now, come on, come in.
Daniel: No.
Lively promo man: Try it now.
Daniel: Er, NO.
Lively promo man: [As if nothing has happened] Ok, guys enjoy your night.
30 seconds later:
Chirpy promo man: Two drinks and a shot for e8 [. . .] [Daniel Briggs ?eld notes: Awalk on the strip
– 29 July 2010].
Young people re?ect on the wide availability of illicit drugs. While some career Ibiza goers (a
fewcoming each summer for the last 12 years) said that there is nowan increased regulation
of the drug market, illegal substances nevertheless remain overtly available. Many young
people receive drug offers on the streets, in alleyways, bars, cafes, clubs and hotels. If they
are not drug aware before their trip to Ibiza, they certainly were by the end of their holiday:
Tim: How many times a day do you receive offers for drugs?
Matt: About ten times a day.
Tim: Where does that normally take place?
Scott: On the street, anywhere. Pills, coke, weed.
Daniel: How much?
Scott: Never really asked.
Matt: Pills are about e10 each.
Daniel: That seems a lot.
Matt: Coke is £60 a gram. Don’t know how much weed is.
Steve: Ketamine is e20 a gram.
Scott: That is the big hype at the moment.
Many also took drugs and said that they know drug dealers in Ibiza. Others just deal directly
with local dealers through hearsay. Yet even with the occasional police car search and talk of
increased regulation of drugs, little seemed to impact on how young people use drugs to
experience the atmosphere, the music, and clubs in Ibiza – for many know that the
experience of music and drugs link inextricably:
A sea of people move before me, waving and dancing to techno music. It is easy to see who is on
pills because those people are all drinking water. Some hide their eyes (their state) with sunglasses.
Others just close their eyes. Everyone seems to be worshipping the DJ who is placed like a god at
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the center of the club. We walk through, passing droves of people who don’t acknowledge us –
they focus on the music. Around the same sort of time, some resident dancers come out and dance
next to the DJ – not on the same level as him – but nearby. They seem to know their routines. I
remember a conversation with a former dancer who said that the club dancer’s life is ‘‘good money’’
but all you do is the same thing each night – a line of cocaine, 20 minutes of dancing, a line of
cocaine, 20 minutes of dancing. Some, she estimated, could earn e100 a night. The beat changes
slightly while odd-toned/off-toned notes drift up and down the scale. It is playing with my mind. It
now drifts into a searching beat which makes me feel like I ambeing chased. Well, this is how I am
interpreting it with the level I have achieved after a beer and a shot. I amhappy to dance for a short
while to get in the mix. There is some break in the music and I think the track has ?nished but it just
merges into another and there are some sporadic claps. As the lights ?icker and dart, I stand quite
amazed. Within 20 minutes I start to notice different dance patterns. Even though the music does
not appear to be changing, young people seem to move as:
B knee benders (with minimal and similar movement and just bending one knee to the music);
B side steppers (slightly more movement combined with random hand movements);
B wavey handers (almost the full works but with a greater dedication to hand movements and more
improvised with their footwork); and
B jolty movers (the most ?amboyant and chaotic movers – combining all sorts of hand and leg
gestures).
The type of dance one does not seem to matter – that is, no one is evaluating others, what
they are wearing, how they are moving or who they are with – so these moves are accepted
among the collective. I walk into the toilets. There seem to be a lot of people hanging around
outside. I go for a piss and to my right side are the cubicles. They are all locked and a giant
sniff is heard behind one. The odd thing is there are no shadows under the toilet doors (which
would indicate there are people there). I take my time and stick around for ten minutes and
no one emerges. They are taking drugs and this is con?rmed when I start talking to the
cleaning lady:
[Another sniff is heard as I dry my hands and I pull a face at the cleaning lady].
Cleaning lady: [In Spanish] They are taking drugs [she says nonchalantly].
Daniel: Yes.
Cleaning lady: Of course they are, every night the same.
Daniel: How long do they stay in there?
Cleaning lady: Can be up to an hour and we have to call the security from time to time because
some collapse in there.
[I take my chewing gum out].
Cleaning lady: Bin? [Points to the bin in the corner]
As I walk around the room with dif?culty, more young people pile into club and there seems to be
no regulation on numbers. I come into even closer physical contact with people but the truth is
people here are just not bothered about that. Whereas these actions may cause some upset in the
clubs back home [in the UK] when people are on some crazy drinking bender there seems to be
nothing but love in the club. When I do bump into someone, I receive a pat on the arm or the
shoulder to signify acknowledgement of that bump. I am among friends here (Daniel Briggs ?eld
notes: nightclubbing – 27 July 2010).With the promotion of clubs, comes the promotion and
availability of drugs. Clubs appear to tolerate drug use by large numbers of young people
because of the pro?t margins reaped. The data also points to the aggressive promotion of sex:
As we approach the main drinking strip in San Antonio, promo reps and prostitutes maul us eager
for business. The prostitutes jeer at us and we don’t really know which way to turn [. . .] Eventually
we settle in a bar. It is now about 3 a.m. I leave for the toilet where I meet an African man singing
away to himself – he ‘‘earns money from tips’’ by keeping the toilets clean and offering fresh
manly sprays to attract the ‘‘punani’’ (Indian word for female sexual organs or slang meaning
pussy):
African man: You well man?
Daniel: [while urinating] Yes, thank you.
African man: You want some pussies? I love dem pussies.
Daniel: Er. . .Yes [Sounding confused]. I am here for the punani.
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[This seems to trigger him and he starts to sing]
African man: Go punani, go punani. Punani, punani, go punani. Do do do, de de de. Wash yor
?nger for de minger [ugly girl]. Freshen up, up, up for de pu-na-ni. Thinking about the pu-na-ni,
pu-na-ni, pu-na-ni, thinking about pu-na-ni, pu-na-ni. PU-NA-NI. [Some more young men enter
the toilet] Freshen up, up, up for de punani [they laugh]. Wash yor ?nger for de minger.
[As I leave he says aggressively]
African man: What have you got for me, man?
Daniel: Nothing I’m afraid.
An hour later, after we watch the waiter empty whole spirit bottles down the necks of a group of
young British men:
Tara: There is a girl walking around in her G-String [the stripper outside the gentleman’s club],
throwing herself at all the men and they are not having it [tolerating it].
Suzanne: She is throwing herself at men but its just they are turning her down.
[We look over and the poor girl looks quite unstable and cannot stand straight. When she
manages to stand, she rearranges her hair and pulls her G-String back over the area which it
should be covering]
Tara: She is off her face [on drugs].
Kerri: You have to be to do a job like that.
We move on to another bar and drink a round. We all start dancing but when Tara unexpectedly
leaves, I go to look for her. In the confusion, I lose the rest of the group and am left wondering the
streets and am at the mercy of the prostitutes. It is now about 5 a.m. and I get completely
harangued by them. The prostitutes seemmostly to be African women but it is dif?cult to say from
which country. They tug my arms, asking if they can ‘‘suck me off’’ – clearly this is the height of
their business as people seemmore and more drunk. Perhaps also because there are people like
me, who have lost their crowd and are wondering the streets alone. As I walk around trying to ?nd
everyone, strippers also approach me with sexual offers [Daniel Briggs ?eld notes: a night on the
town – 26 July 2010].
Several young men in the sample said they had sex with prostitutes – all said they were
drunk at the time. They play down the risks, instead suggesting it is something they do for the
‘‘experience’’. Local businesses, to some extent, tolerate these behaviors because the
British bring immense capital to the island. Many British youth spend hundreds of pounds
every night in clubs, taxis, drugs, drink, and food. Therefore, the clubs, the bars, the taxi
drivers – the economy – need this income and therefore happily stomach the behaviors the
British bring because it is good business:
Daniel: How do you cope with us British?
Bar owner: Some ones are like animals but some are like you, like gentlemen. We live with British
people here, without British, this island goes down.
Daniel: So you need us. You have no choice. But there are Italians, Spanish, Germans here.
What’s different from the British?
Bar owner: Well, all the Spanish don’t like going where the British are, they hate it. I love British
people [puts his hands on my hands].
Daniel: I can see that.
Bar owner: Well, all my friends are from UK. I. . .I. . .I love them.
Daniel: So what do you do with people who misbehave in your bar?
Bar owner: I work with them, talk to them, make them happy, sell them drinks, we sell a lot.
Daniel: So how much do you make in a day from us British?
Bar owner: Not my business, I just get people in, make them happy, make them drink. I don’t ask
anyone, anything. Lets say you are together [as a couple], you and her [points at Kerri]. You get
with a girl in my bar and I see it. Next day I don’t ask ‘‘you alright, you have good time?’’ No I don’t
ask, not my business. I am not gossip. I love British people but I am not gossip. The Spanish are
gossip. The Spanish women gossip.
Daniel: But the Spanish don’t really come here [to your bar].
Bar owner: I live here in Spain but really I live in Britain with British, here look around.
Daniel: So how do you make them comfortable?
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Bar owner: I say ‘‘Hello, how are you?’’ Make them good quality drink because in Britain they are
miserable but here they are very happy. I love people from UK.
4. Discussion
In view of its international reputation for nightlife and substances (Bellis et al., 2003; Hughes
et al., 2004; IREFREA, 2007; Josiam et al., 1998; Segev et al., 2005; Smeaton et al., 1998),
this study provides understanding into the reasons why British youth engage in high levels of
alcohol use, drug use, risk and sex behaviors while on holiday in Ibiza. The study applies
ethnographic methods because previous research applies survey procedures (Bellis et al.,
2000; Hughes et al., 2004, 2009) and does not give attention enough to the potential reasons
for these behaviors. As researchers, in taking part to some extent, in these activities,
researchers are part of the social interactions (Inciardi, 1995) but the researchers of the
present study tried not to in?uence the direction of the data, and instead attempted to
document and understand the behavior of British youth, and how the social context shaped
their behavior of the ‘‘Ibiza experience’’. In doing so, the study provides some explanation of
this particular culture (Van Maanen, 1988).
The data show that British youth express themselves on holiday through high levels of
alcohol consumption and drug use, and engage in risk and sex behaviors (Bellis et al., 2003;
Engineer et al., 2003; Hughes et al., 2009) which creates a memorable holiday experience
(Grif?n et al., 2009). These alcohol/drug/sex events appear to liberate British youth from the
banality of work and family constraints in the UK (Bellis et al., 2002; Carter, 1997; Carter et al.,
1997; Ryan and Kinder, 1996) as they embrace the seduction of youthful risk taking
(Hayward, 2002). In Ibiza, they seem to free to be whoever they want to be (Bauman, 2004,
2007) and do whatever they want to do; an ethos that is legitimized by peers since many
British youth travel in groups to enhance the ‘‘experience’’.
However, this comes at a cost – young peoples’ attitudes to spending are haphazard yet
they show no regrets because work and home lives are mundane (Blackman, 1995) and
include characteristics of high uncertainty in the late modern context (Beck, 1992; Giddens,
1991). Instead, British youth on holiday invest great importance in the experience (Grif?n
et al., 2009) irrespective of the cost (?nancially, practically, physically and mentally). This
expression is because, regardless of the consequences, these experiences appear to help
British youth construct life biographies (Helve and Bynner, 2007) which, in turn, can be
useful for future social discourse (on Facebook, with friends at social events, and until it is
time for the next holiday).
These experiences are therefore integral to identity construction and are heavily shaped by
the social context – in particular, by the aggressive marketing of alcohol, drugs and sex
(Sellars, 1998). This also appears to highlight how the identities of British youth interplay with
the consumption of items such as music and drugs (Furlong and Cartmel, 1997; Miles,
2000). While some consider these behaviors dangerous and risky (Bellis et al., 2002; Bellis
et al., 2003; Hughes et al., 2004, 2009), in contrast, the data appears to highlight that these
behaviors are expressive and show how British youth negotiate agency within this particular
context (Ettore and Miles, 2002).
While young people engage in behavior which they perceive as ‘‘expected and typical’’
within the social context of Ibiza, they also recognized that the social milieu actively
endorses and condones these behaviors. In fact, the data seems to suggest that Ibiza relies
on the social activities of British youth to support its economy (Armstrong, 2004; Garratt,
1998) in a time when British tourist numbers are in decline (IREFREA, 2007).
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About the authors
Daniel Briggs works with a range of different social groups – fromthe most vulnerable to the
most dangerous. His work takes him inside prisons, crack houses, mental health institutions,
asylum seeker institutions, hostels, and various homeless services. He does research
abroad with illegal immigrants, gypsies and substance users in Spain and Portugal. His
research interests include processes of social exclusion, culture and deviance, and identity
and perceptions of the self. Daniel Briggs is the corresponding author and can be contacted
at: [email protected]
Tim Turner is Senior Lecturer in Criminology. He was previously employed as a Forensic
Community Psychiatric Nurse in London and worked extensively with alcohol and drug
users. He is currently involved in ethnographic research with mentally disordered victims.
His research interests include mental health, substance abuse, and youth cultures.
PAGE 90
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VOL. 6 NO. 1 2012
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This article has been cited by:
1. Nienke Liebregts, Peggy van der Pol, Margriet van Laar, Ron de Graaf, Wim van den Brink, Dirk J. Korf. 2015. The role of
leisure and delinquency in frequent cannabis use and dependence trajectories among young adults. International Journal of Drug
Policy 26, 143-152. [CrossRef]
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doc_848935125.pdf
The behavior of British youth abroad has caused considerable concern over recent years.
This is because many British youth engage in binge drinking, drug use, sex behavior and other risk
behaviors – especially in the Balearics, Spain. While research has documented levels of alcohol use,
drug use, risk and sex behaviors on these islands, it tends to rely on survey data. This article aims to offer
some contextualization to the British youth holiday experience and to examine why such behaviors might
take place.
International Journal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research
Understanding British youth behaviors on holiday in Ibiza
Daniel Briggs Tim Turner
Article information:
To cite this document:
Daniel Briggs Tim Turner, (2012),"Understanding British youth behaviors on holiday in Ibiza", International J ournal of Culture, Tourism and
Hospitality Research, Vol. 6 Iss 1 pp. 81 - 90
Permanent link to this document:http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/17506181211206270
Downloaded on: 24 January 2016, At: 22:18 (PT)
References: this document contains references to 38 other documents.
To copy this document: [email protected]
The fulltext of this document has been downloaded 1340 times since 2012*
Users who downloaded this article also downloaded:
Daniel Briggs, Tim Turner, Kerri David, Tara De Courcey, (2011),"British youth abroad: some observations on the social context of binge
drinking in Ibiza", Drugs and Alcohol Today, Vol. 11 Iss 1 pp. 26-35http://dx.doi.org/10.5042/daat.2011.0132
(2014),"Deviance and Risk on Holiday – An Ethnography of British Tourists in Ibiza2014 2 Deviance and Risk on Holiday – An Ethnography
of British Tourists in Ibiza Palgrave Macmillan 2013 978-1-137-02239-4", International J ournal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research,
Vol. 8 Iss 1 pp. 120-122http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/IJ CTHR-11-2013-0081
Daniel Briggs, Sébastien Tutenges, Rebecca Armitage, Dimitar Panchev, (2011),"Sexy substances and the substance of sex: findings from
an ethnographic study in Ibiza, Spain", Drugs and Alcohol Today, Vol. 11 Iss 4 pp. 173-187http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/17459261111194116
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Understanding British youth behaviors on
holiday in Ibiza
Daniel Briggs and Tim Turner
Abstract
Purpose – The behavior of British youth abroad has caused considerable concern over recent years.
This is because many British youth engage in binge drinking, drug use, sex behavior and other risk
behaviors – especially in the Balearics, Spain. While research has documented levels of alcohol use,
drug use, risk and sex behaviors on these islands, it tends to rely on survey data. This article aims to offer
some contextualization to the British youth holiday experience and to examine why such behaviors might
take place.
Design/methodology/approach – The study uses ethnographic methods (observation, open-ended
focus groups) with British youth in San Antonio, Ibiza. Over the course of one week in July 2010, 17 focus
groups were undertaken (n ¼ 97 aged between 17 and 31). Observations were conducted in bars,
clubs, beaches, and general tourist areas.
Findings – The data suggest that young people engage in these behaviors not only to escape the
constraints of work and family but also because they are exciting. The data also indicate that these
behaviors appeared to help British youth construct life biographies which were integral to their identity
construction. The ?ndings are also considered within the social context of Ibiza which also played a role
in promoting these behaviors.
Originality/value – No ethnographic research exists on the topic of British youth and their behaviors
abroad. Previous research is mostly epidemiological survey research which does not adequately
consider the social meaning and context for the behavior of British youth abroad.
Keywords British youth, Holiday, Risk, Drugs, Alcohol, Sex and risk behaviours, Young adults,
Individual behaviour, Leisure activities, Tourism, Risk analysis, Spain
Paper type Research paper
1. Introduction
Ibiza is a popular holiday destination choice for British youth (Govern de les Illes de Balears,
2008). It is speci?cally marketed (Sellars, 1998) because of the international reputation for
nightlife (Bellis et al., 2003; IREFREA, 2007), ‘‘wild’’ party scene and easy access to illegal
substances (Bellis et al., 2003; Hughes et al., 2004; Josiam et al., 1998; Segev et al., 2005;
Smeaton et al., 1998). Historically, the economy of Ibiza relies heavily on the commercial
promotion of clubs and DJs (Garratt, 1998) as well as the drug market (Armstrong, 2004).
For British youth, Ibiza is therefore indelibly associated with dance music, alcohol, drug use
and sex (Bellis et al., 2003; Calafat et al., 1998; Engineer et al., 2003; Hughes et al., 2004,
2009). However, prior UK research in Ibiza are survey-based studies (Bellis et al., 2000;
Bellis et al., 2003; Department of Health, 2005; Hughes et al., 2004, 2009).
Such epidemiological studies tend to portray youth behaviors abroad as dangerous and the
young people who engage in them as vulnerable. However cultural studies researchers
argue that young people are ‘‘active negotiators of the relationship between structure and
agency’’ (Ettore and Miles, 2002, p. 173).
DOI 10.1108/17506181211206270 VOL. 6 NO. 1 2012, pp. 81-90, Q Emerald Group Publishing Limited, ISSN 1750-6182
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CULTURE, TOURISM AND HOSPITALITY RESEARCH
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PAGE 81
Daniel Briggs is Senior
Lecturer in Criminology and
Criminal Justice at the
School of Law, University of
East London, London, UK.
Tim Turner is Senior
Lecturer in Criminology in
the Department of Social
and Community Studies,
Coventry University,
Coventry, UK.
Received September 2009
Revised April 2010
Accepted July 2010
The authors thank Dave Baker
and John Woolham at Coventry
University for reviewing the
paper. Additional thanks are
given to Arch Woodside for his
helpful comments. The authors
also extend thanks to Tara de
Courcey and Kerri David for
their assistance with some of
the ?eldwork and the 97 British
young people who provide
information for this research.
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To date there no ethnographic analysis explores reasons why British youth might engage in
these behaviors whilst on holiday abroad. This issue is the primary aim of the article. While
research shows that British youth do this to escape the constraints of work and family which
moderate everyday behaviors (Bellis et al., 2002; Carter, 1997; Carter et al., 1997; Ryan and
Kinder, 1996) others suggest the thrill of transgression and the seductions of risk are relevant
reasons (Hayward, 2002) and the intent to construct meaning through ‘‘memorable’’ holiday
experiences. This conclusion is important to consider because of the ?uidity of late modern
identities (Bauman, 2004, 2007); with young people increasingly expected to construct their
own biographies (Helve and Bynner, 2007) in uncertain times (Beck, 1992; Giddens, 1991);
and doing so through the consumption of items such as fashion, music and drugs (Furlong
and Cartmel, 1997; Miles, 2000).
This study shows how the quest to construct these memorable ‘‘experiences’’ among British
youth interplays with the aggressive commercialization and commodi?cation of pleasure
and youthful excess in Ibiza. This relationship is integral to youth biographies and identities,
and therefore important to consider for understanding why British youth engage in
substance use and various sex and risk behaviors abroad.
The aims of the research project include completing the following objectives: examine the
drinking attitudes among British youth abroad; investigate the reasons which underpin these
attitudes; explore the role of bars and clubs, and tour operators in the promotion of alcohol.
An additional research interest is drug use, sex and risk behaviors. The research was carried
out from June 2010 to July 2010.
2. Methods
This research study applies an ethnographic method (Hammersley, 1992). The study
included three stages. The ?rst stage involves gathering relevant material on the subject
area. The second stage uses six focus groups with young people who are experienced on
such holidays. The third and ?nal stage uses focus groups and observations in Ibiza.
Observations were conducted in bars, clubs, beaches, and general touristic areas. These
areas were public and activity was observed which would have happened without
intervention or in?uence fromresearchers. The intention was not necessarily to ‘‘[live] the life
to the extent that it is legally and ethically possible’’ (Inciardi, 1995, p. 251) but rather to
make astute objective observations of British youth and their behaviors. The study uses a
delicate combination of overt and covert roles (see Adler, 1985; Agar, 1986; Bourgois, 1995).
Low inference descriptors (?eld notes) record precise detailed descriptions of participants
and their activities (Van Maanen, 1988). Researchers’ thoughts and impressions accompany
these notes, as well as summaries of conversations. This information was noted within a few
hours of concluding observation sessions and these data were entered directly into a
password-secured laptop.
A total of 17 focus groups were undertaken in Ibiza (n ¼ 97, aged between 17 and 31) over
one week. The focus groups were open-ended. This enabled researchers to determine how
British youth interpret and talk about their behaviors (Carlson et al., 1994). They were
digitally recorded, with signed/verbal consent. No formal sampling strategy was done and
recruiting groups into the study was entirely opportunistic. Every group which was
approached agreed to participate in the research.
Informal conversations were also undertaken with local businesses, bar owners, taxi drivers
and tourist representatives about their perceptions of British youth abroad. Informal
conversations were mentally noted and written up into observation notes. All participants
were given pseudonyms. Once transcribed, interview and observation data was
categorized thematically, with the key areas of investigation providing the overall
framework for coding (Ritchie and Spencer, 2004). Analyses were inductive, which meant
that themes emerged from the data rather than being hypothesized.
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3. Findings
3.1 Ibiza: the place to ‘‘be’’
Daniel [Interviewer and author]: Why come to Ibiza?
GG 1: For the ‘‘experience’’. Something a bit different.
Daniel: But what is so ‘‘different’’ about it?
GG1: Atmosphere, init. [Eats baked beans] Back home I hear of other places like to go on holiday
but not hear [. . .] I mean people talk more about Ibiza so for us back home, Ibiza is the best place
to go, the place to be.
GG2: That’s it, init.
Many young people hear how ‘‘amazing’’ Ibiza is through their peer networks. While some
young people had never experienced Ibiza, some had already visited the island on four or
?ve occasions. A few, in their early 30s, had visited Ibiza every summer for the last 12 years.
A high proportion of young people appeared to have built up a bank of holiday experiences
in destinations such as Zakynthos, Kos, Malia (all Greek islands), Aiya Napa (Cyprus) and
Magaluf (Majorca). However, it was Ibiza that had most attracted them. Many expressed a
desire to come and ‘‘experience’’ the clubs, bars, drugs and general atmosphere of Ibiza.
They appeared willing to spend very large sums of money (e14,000 in one month between
two young Brits) to capture that experience:
Beachgirl 1: I don’t care about money here. I don’t think twice, I saved this money to put it on this
[holiday].
Daniel: And what if you need to withdraw more money?
Beachgirl 1: Like, I would care, like a little bit pissed off, but you are on holiday.
Beachgirl 2: I only have £1 in my account at the moment.
Many explain how the Ibiza ‘‘experience’’ acts as a relief from the tedium of daily work and
family pressures back in the UK. Typically, Neil says ‘‘You are working all year. In England,
you haven’t got sun, you haven’t got beaches. It is different. You are away for two weeks. You
think about nothing else but you on holiday. Go away, get hammered, get laid.’’ Life at home
is constructed as mundane and the holiday experience offers a chance for them to express
themselves.
3.2 Ibiza: lasting memories, ‘‘anonymous’’ identities
Chatterbox: Yeah, but we only go on holiday once a year, nah what I mean. Think of all the
memories you are gonna get. No kids, no commitments, you won’t be able to do this soon.
Bam Bam: Yeah, its like the memories. Like, the next day we go through all four cameras to see
what happened [the previous evening].
Chatterbox: We wait all year for this as well. We need to make the most of it.
Young people in the sample had fewqualms about spending hundreds of Euros as they gain
a priceless return of memorable experiences. However, in Ibiza, many young people appear
to think it is an opportunity to forget ‘‘whoever’’ they are, and instead opt to embrace
anonymity and ‘‘be’’ someone different. Because no one knows who they are and no one is
regulating their behavior (not even their friends because ‘‘what goes on in Ibiza, stays in
Ibiza’’), it frequently means they often engage in behavior that they would not normally do
back in the UK. In a focus group of three male friends in Ibiza, this man in his mid-20s said:
Man 1: There is no restriction here, back home there is restriction. I have a family and work [. . .]
everyone is on edge. The police, everyone! Here, no one looks at you twice. [Back home you] Got
to think about work, bills, pressure, but here [in Ibiza] you don’t think about shit, it is all about you,
your friends and relaxing. You just enjoy it.
Daniel: Have you had any luck with the women yet?
Man 1: Oh yeah [. . .] I had a good time [winks at me and high ?ves me].
Daniel: Ok, so you have a girlfriend but stuff happened here.
Man 1: I wouldn’t say I have a girlfriend, I would say I have a wife.
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The ‘‘holiday’’ environment appears to offer new parameters for individual and group
permissiveness because many young people sought to construct these memorable
experiences with their friends through drunken/drug/sex events. In fact, it is because many
of the sample travel in groups that these kind of behaviors are encouraged. In this
conversation, these young Scottish men describe women as ‘‘holes’’:
Daniel: We were just talking about ‘‘holes’’ and whether you were up for any.
Scot 1: [Sitting down and interrupting own sip of cocktail] Fucking right, fucking right.
Dan: Right, so how many ‘‘holes’’ have you had?
Scot 1: Two. Bad ones. Smelly ones, stinking fucking ones. Came all over them. Hookers.
Scot 2: Whatever happens in Ibiza, stays in Ibiza.
Scot 1: [High ?ves Scot 2] Fucking right. Fuck the STDs.
They explain how these activities are not attempted at home in order to protect their pride
and reputation. On holiday, however, it creates memorable experiences which can be
recounted on Facebook and with peers when they return. In this sense, the world is captured
in the immediacy of the digital camera image more than through actual memory. In another
example, researchers spent 18 hours with some young men who had drunk around 12 pints
of beer during the day, snorted cocaine, and each taken three ecstasy pills over the course
of the night.
Yet still their experience continues:
And it didn’t stop there because when they got back to the hotel at 7 a.m. they went to get the CD
player and headed down to the beach to take Ketamine – purchased earlier from a mate who
dealt drugs on the island. On the beach they were ‘‘mashed’’. As Simon took the Ketamine, there
was a thud as he hit the ?oor. His mates grabbed his armand dragged himin the sea while he was
still semi-conscious – laughing while they did it [. . .] When we return later that morning, we ?nd
Simon decorated in nail clippings, sun tan lotion and cigarette ash. He also cut his own hair with
scissors. When Simon woke up, he said ‘‘what happened to me, where is my leg’’ because he
could not move it because of the sleeping position he had been in – we suppose – or was it the
after effects of the Ketamine? [Field notes: nightclubbing 27 July 2010 and the recovery 28 July
2010].
Their Facebook pages showthese images fromthis night and many comments on the ‘‘crazy
night it was’’. Some young people appear to take an odd reassurance in their construction of
the Ibiza ‘‘experience’’ – despite the sinister and brutal consequences. A group of young
girls in our sample said they had been molested by ‘‘foreign men’’ and beaten by both
nightclub bouncers and police. This happened only ?ve hours prior to the interview. When
the interview began, they were understandably angry about their victimization but after 40
minutes, the anger desisted and their attitude changed. They had already started to think
about their potential Facebook statuses:
Sunglasses 1: This morning we are all serious but now we are laughing about it in a way.
Broad accent 1: Icing on the cake. [Laughs]
Tim [Interviewer and author]: Have any of you put this on Facebook yet?
All: No, not yet.
Sunglasses 1: Not had time but we will after this [breakfast].
Blue eyed 1: In the car, on the way home from all this [the police station] I thought about it
[Facebook status]. Mines going to be: ‘‘Arrested and assaulted in Ibiza [. . .] very typical me’’.
Sunglasses 1: Mine is going to be: ‘‘Welcome to fucking Ibiza [. . .] already been molested and
arrested’’.
The highly traumatic event is magically transformed into a ‘‘great story’’ within a few short
hours of it happening; one which they can recount for many years.
3.3 Ibiza: designed for the ‘‘experience’’
Daniel: But what is the point in getting fucked [drunk]?
Girl 1: We come here for a couple of weeks and last night, I didn’t want to get pissed [drunk]. So
we just walked around [San Antonio] and did nothing, there was nothing else to do. So we ended
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up getting pissed for nothing. There are no places to go.
Daniel: Is it designed for you to get pissed?
Girl 2: Yeah but I like that, fucking right I like that.
The data also shows that these ‘‘Ibiza experiences’’ embraced by British youth are heavily
in?uenced and shaped by a social context that aggressively promotes alcohol, drugs and
sex. So while young people actively engage in behaviors that they perceive as expected
within the social context of Ibiza, so Ibiza endorses and facilitates these behaviors. In these
few minutes spent on the main drinking strip in San Antonio, one can see how aggressively
alcohol is marketed:
Promo woman: Are you coming in again?
Daniel: Again? We haven’t been in yet! How did you remember us?
Promo woman: Yeah, come in for some drinks.
We move on. As I look down the strip, the streets are strewn with drink bottles, vomit, waste,
half-eaten burgers, chips and all manner of rubbish. Suddenly:
Lively promo man: Come in here to have a drink. Get two free shots as well, guys.
Daniel: [looking at the sign] e10?
Lively promo man: [Physically shepherding me in] What would you like to drink?
Tara: We’ll try you in a while.
Daniel: We’re coming back, calm down.
Lively promo man: Come down now, come on, come in.
Daniel: No.
Lively promo man: Try it now.
Daniel: Er, NO.
Lively promo man: [As if nothing has happened] Ok, guys enjoy your night.
30 seconds later:
Chirpy promo man: Two drinks and a shot for e8 [. . .] [Daniel Briggs ?eld notes: Awalk on the strip
– 29 July 2010].
Young people re?ect on the wide availability of illicit drugs. While some career Ibiza goers (a
fewcoming each summer for the last 12 years) said that there is nowan increased regulation
of the drug market, illegal substances nevertheless remain overtly available. Many young
people receive drug offers on the streets, in alleyways, bars, cafes, clubs and hotels. If they
are not drug aware before their trip to Ibiza, they certainly were by the end of their holiday:
Tim: How many times a day do you receive offers for drugs?
Matt: About ten times a day.
Tim: Where does that normally take place?
Scott: On the street, anywhere. Pills, coke, weed.
Daniel: How much?
Scott: Never really asked.
Matt: Pills are about e10 each.
Daniel: That seems a lot.
Matt: Coke is £60 a gram. Don’t know how much weed is.
Steve: Ketamine is e20 a gram.
Scott: That is the big hype at the moment.
Many also took drugs and said that they know drug dealers in Ibiza. Others just deal directly
with local dealers through hearsay. Yet even with the occasional police car search and talk of
increased regulation of drugs, little seemed to impact on how young people use drugs to
experience the atmosphere, the music, and clubs in Ibiza – for many know that the
experience of music and drugs link inextricably:
A sea of people move before me, waving and dancing to techno music. It is easy to see who is on
pills because those people are all drinking water. Some hide their eyes (their state) with sunglasses.
Others just close their eyes. Everyone seems to be worshipping the DJ who is placed like a god at
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the center of the club. We walk through, passing droves of people who don’t acknowledge us –
they focus on the music. Around the same sort of time, some resident dancers come out and dance
next to the DJ – not on the same level as him – but nearby. They seem to know their routines. I
remember a conversation with a former dancer who said that the club dancer’s life is ‘‘good money’’
but all you do is the same thing each night – a line of cocaine, 20 minutes of dancing, a line of
cocaine, 20 minutes of dancing. Some, she estimated, could earn e100 a night. The beat changes
slightly while odd-toned/off-toned notes drift up and down the scale. It is playing with my mind. It
now drifts into a searching beat which makes me feel like I ambeing chased. Well, this is how I am
interpreting it with the level I have achieved after a beer and a shot. I amhappy to dance for a short
while to get in the mix. There is some break in the music and I think the track has ?nished but it just
merges into another and there are some sporadic claps. As the lights ?icker and dart, I stand quite
amazed. Within 20 minutes I start to notice different dance patterns. Even though the music does
not appear to be changing, young people seem to move as:
B knee benders (with minimal and similar movement and just bending one knee to the music);
B side steppers (slightly more movement combined with random hand movements);
B wavey handers (almost the full works but with a greater dedication to hand movements and more
improvised with their footwork); and
B jolty movers (the most ?amboyant and chaotic movers – combining all sorts of hand and leg
gestures).
The type of dance one does not seem to matter – that is, no one is evaluating others, what
they are wearing, how they are moving or who they are with – so these moves are accepted
among the collective. I walk into the toilets. There seem to be a lot of people hanging around
outside. I go for a piss and to my right side are the cubicles. They are all locked and a giant
sniff is heard behind one. The odd thing is there are no shadows under the toilet doors (which
would indicate there are people there). I take my time and stick around for ten minutes and
no one emerges. They are taking drugs and this is con?rmed when I start talking to the
cleaning lady:
[Another sniff is heard as I dry my hands and I pull a face at the cleaning lady].
Cleaning lady: [In Spanish] They are taking drugs [she says nonchalantly].
Daniel: Yes.
Cleaning lady: Of course they are, every night the same.
Daniel: How long do they stay in there?
Cleaning lady: Can be up to an hour and we have to call the security from time to time because
some collapse in there.
[I take my chewing gum out].
Cleaning lady: Bin? [Points to the bin in the corner]
As I walk around the room with dif?culty, more young people pile into club and there seems to be
no regulation on numbers. I come into even closer physical contact with people but the truth is
people here are just not bothered about that. Whereas these actions may cause some upset in the
clubs back home [in the UK] when people are on some crazy drinking bender there seems to be
nothing but love in the club. When I do bump into someone, I receive a pat on the arm or the
shoulder to signify acknowledgement of that bump. I am among friends here (Daniel Briggs ?eld
notes: nightclubbing – 27 July 2010).With the promotion of clubs, comes the promotion and
availability of drugs. Clubs appear to tolerate drug use by large numbers of young people
because of the pro?t margins reaped. The data also points to the aggressive promotion of sex:
As we approach the main drinking strip in San Antonio, promo reps and prostitutes maul us eager
for business. The prostitutes jeer at us and we don’t really know which way to turn [. . .] Eventually
we settle in a bar. It is now about 3 a.m. I leave for the toilet where I meet an African man singing
away to himself – he ‘‘earns money from tips’’ by keeping the toilets clean and offering fresh
manly sprays to attract the ‘‘punani’’ (Indian word for female sexual organs or slang meaning
pussy):
African man: You well man?
Daniel: [while urinating] Yes, thank you.
African man: You want some pussies? I love dem pussies.
Daniel: Er. . .Yes [Sounding confused]. I am here for the punani.
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[This seems to trigger him and he starts to sing]
African man: Go punani, go punani. Punani, punani, go punani. Do do do, de de de. Wash yor
?nger for de minger [ugly girl]. Freshen up, up, up for de pu-na-ni. Thinking about the pu-na-ni,
pu-na-ni, pu-na-ni, thinking about pu-na-ni, pu-na-ni. PU-NA-NI. [Some more young men enter
the toilet] Freshen up, up, up for de punani [they laugh]. Wash yor ?nger for de minger.
[As I leave he says aggressively]
African man: What have you got for me, man?
Daniel: Nothing I’m afraid.
An hour later, after we watch the waiter empty whole spirit bottles down the necks of a group of
young British men:
Tara: There is a girl walking around in her G-String [the stripper outside the gentleman’s club],
throwing herself at all the men and they are not having it [tolerating it].
Suzanne: She is throwing herself at men but its just they are turning her down.
[We look over and the poor girl looks quite unstable and cannot stand straight. When she
manages to stand, she rearranges her hair and pulls her G-String back over the area which it
should be covering]
Tara: She is off her face [on drugs].
Kerri: You have to be to do a job like that.
We move on to another bar and drink a round. We all start dancing but when Tara unexpectedly
leaves, I go to look for her. In the confusion, I lose the rest of the group and am left wondering the
streets and am at the mercy of the prostitutes. It is now about 5 a.m. and I get completely
harangued by them. The prostitutes seemmostly to be African women but it is dif?cult to say from
which country. They tug my arms, asking if they can ‘‘suck me off’’ – clearly this is the height of
their business as people seemmore and more drunk. Perhaps also because there are people like
me, who have lost their crowd and are wondering the streets alone. As I walk around trying to ?nd
everyone, strippers also approach me with sexual offers [Daniel Briggs ?eld notes: a night on the
town – 26 July 2010].
Several young men in the sample said they had sex with prostitutes – all said they were
drunk at the time. They play down the risks, instead suggesting it is something they do for the
‘‘experience’’. Local businesses, to some extent, tolerate these behaviors because the
British bring immense capital to the island. Many British youth spend hundreds of pounds
every night in clubs, taxis, drugs, drink, and food. Therefore, the clubs, the bars, the taxi
drivers – the economy – need this income and therefore happily stomach the behaviors the
British bring because it is good business:
Daniel: How do you cope with us British?
Bar owner: Some ones are like animals but some are like you, like gentlemen. We live with British
people here, without British, this island goes down.
Daniel: So you need us. You have no choice. But there are Italians, Spanish, Germans here.
What’s different from the British?
Bar owner: Well, all the Spanish don’t like going where the British are, they hate it. I love British
people [puts his hands on my hands].
Daniel: I can see that.
Bar owner: Well, all my friends are from UK. I. . .I. . .I love them.
Daniel: So what do you do with people who misbehave in your bar?
Bar owner: I work with them, talk to them, make them happy, sell them drinks, we sell a lot.
Daniel: So how much do you make in a day from us British?
Bar owner: Not my business, I just get people in, make them happy, make them drink. I don’t ask
anyone, anything. Lets say you are together [as a couple], you and her [points at Kerri]. You get
with a girl in my bar and I see it. Next day I don’t ask ‘‘you alright, you have good time?’’ No I don’t
ask, not my business. I am not gossip. I love British people but I am not gossip. The Spanish are
gossip. The Spanish women gossip.
Daniel: But the Spanish don’t really come here [to your bar].
Bar owner: I live here in Spain but really I live in Britain with British, here look around.
Daniel: So how do you make them comfortable?
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Bar owner: I say ‘‘Hello, how are you?’’ Make them good quality drink because in Britain they are
miserable but here they are very happy. I love people from UK.
4. Discussion
In view of its international reputation for nightlife and substances (Bellis et al., 2003; Hughes
et al., 2004; IREFREA, 2007; Josiam et al., 1998; Segev et al., 2005; Smeaton et al., 1998),
this study provides understanding into the reasons why British youth engage in high levels of
alcohol use, drug use, risk and sex behaviors while on holiday in Ibiza. The study applies
ethnographic methods because previous research applies survey procedures (Bellis et al.,
2000; Hughes et al., 2004, 2009) and does not give attention enough to the potential reasons
for these behaviors. As researchers, in taking part to some extent, in these activities,
researchers are part of the social interactions (Inciardi, 1995) but the researchers of the
present study tried not to in?uence the direction of the data, and instead attempted to
document and understand the behavior of British youth, and how the social context shaped
their behavior of the ‘‘Ibiza experience’’. In doing so, the study provides some explanation of
this particular culture (Van Maanen, 1988).
The data show that British youth express themselves on holiday through high levels of
alcohol consumption and drug use, and engage in risk and sex behaviors (Bellis et al., 2003;
Engineer et al., 2003; Hughes et al., 2009) which creates a memorable holiday experience
(Grif?n et al., 2009). These alcohol/drug/sex events appear to liberate British youth from the
banality of work and family constraints in the UK (Bellis et al., 2002; Carter, 1997; Carter et al.,
1997; Ryan and Kinder, 1996) as they embrace the seduction of youthful risk taking
(Hayward, 2002). In Ibiza, they seem to free to be whoever they want to be (Bauman, 2004,
2007) and do whatever they want to do; an ethos that is legitimized by peers since many
British youth travel in groups to enhance the ‘‘experience’’.
However, this comes at a cost – young peoples’ attitudes to spending are haphazard yet
they show no regrets because work and home lives are mundane (Blackman, 1995) and
include characteristics of high uncertainty in the late modern context (Beck, 1992; Giddens,
1991). Instead, British youth on holiday invest great importance in the experience (Grif?n
et al., 2009) irrespective of the cost (?nancially, practically, physically and mentally). This
expression is because, regardless of the consequences, these experiences appear to help
British youth construct life biographies (Helve and Bynner, 2007) which, in turn, can be
useful for future social discourse (on Facebook, with friends at social events, and until it is
time for the next holiday).
These experiences are therefore integral to identity construction and are heavily shaped by
the social context – in particular, by the aggressive marketing of alcohol, drugs and sex
(Sellars, 1998). This also appears to highlight how the identities of British youth interplay with
the consumption of items such as music and drugs (Furlong and Cartmel, 1997; Miles,
2000). While some consider these behaviors dangerous and risky (Bellis et al., 2002; Bellis
et al., 2003; Hughes et al., 2004, 2009), in contrast, the data appears to highlight that these
behaviors are expressive and show how British youth negotiate agency within this particular
context (Ettore and Miles, 2002).
While young people engage in behavior which they perceive as ‘‘expected and typical’’
within the social context of Ibiza, they also recognized that the social milieu actively
endorses and condones these behaviors. In fact, the data seems to suggest that Ibiza relies
on the social activities of British youth to support its economy (Armstrong, 2004; Garratt,
1998) in a time when British tourist numbers are in decline (IREFREA, 2007).
References
Adler, P. (1985), An Ethnography of Drug Dealing and Smuggling Communities, Columbia University
Press, New York, NY.
Agar, M. (1986), Speaking of Ethnography, Sage, Beverly Hills, CA.
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Bauman, Z. (2007), Liquid Times: Living in an Age of Uncertainty, Polity Press, Cambridge.
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About the authors
Daniel Briggs works with a range of different social groups – fromthe most vulnerable to the
most dangerous. His work takes him inside prisons, crack houses, mental health institutions,
asylum seeker institutions, hostels, and various homeless services. He does research
abroad with illegal immigrants, gypsies and substance users in Spain and Portugal. His
research interests include processes of social exclusion, culture and deviance, and identity
and perceptions of the self. Daniel Briggs is the corresponding author and can be contacted
at: [email protected]
Tim Turner is Senior Lecturer in Criminology. He was previously employed as a Forensic
Community Psychiatric Nurse in London and worked extensively with alcohol and drug
users. He is currently involved in ethnographic research with mentally disordered victims.
His research interests include mental health, substance abuse, and youth cultures.
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VOL. 6 NO. 1 2012
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