Research Paper on Modes of Engagement Migration, Self-Initiated Expatriation

Description
Research Paper on Modes of Engagement Migration, Self-Initiated Expatriation, and Career Development:- An assessment center (AC) is a process used in the selection of qualified individuals for a job or role in an organization. It employs a variety of techniques and multiple observers in a closed setting to evaluate candidates.

Research Paper on Modes of Engagement: Migration, Self-Initiated Expatriation, and Career Development
Abstract
Purpose - The paper has two goals. The first is to develop a conceptual framework for analyzing the strategies of internationally mobile professionals in managing barriers to their career development. This framework is developed using Duberley et al.'s and Richardson's concept of "modes of engagement". The second goal is to better understand the nature of the careers that ethnic minority migrants undertake. Design/methodology/approach - Qualitative interviews were conducted with 43 skilled Lebanese migrants. Six additional interviews were conducted with key informants involved in the development and implementation of immigration policies in France. Furthermore, French and European immigration policymaking is analyzed. Findings - In order to manage structural barriers to their career development, participants navigated within the organizational and national structures using four modes: maintenance, transformation, entrepreneurship, and opt out. Research limitations/implications - There was limited access to the developers of immigration policies. The paper focused on only one ethnic minority group. Practical implications - The management of migrants in France needs to be more supportive of their efforts in using their capital. Originality/value - The paper contributes to the literature on careers of internationally mobile professionals by offering an understanding of the experiences of an under-researched group of participants, that is to say persons from an ethnic minority who relocated from Lebanon to live and work in France. Keywords Careers, Career development, Expatriates, Migrant workers, Immigration, Ethnic minorities, France Paper type Research paper

Introduction There are two goals for this paper. The first is to develop a conceptual framework for analyzing the strategies of internationally mobile professionals in managing barriers to their career development. This framework builds on Duberley et al.'s (2006) and Richardson's (2009) concept of "modes of engagement." The second goal is to better understand the nature of the careers of ethnic minority migrants. Career development refers in this paper to the personal and professional desired outcome of "the evolving sequence of a person's work experiences over time" (Arthur et al., 1989, p. 8).
An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 6th Critical Management Studies Conference at Warwick Business School in England on July 13, 2009. The author acknowledges the efforts of the "Whole lives" stream conveners, Julia Richardson, Dalvir-Samra Fredericks, and Susanne Tietze, in making this event an exceptional academic gathering.

In the first section of this paper, Duberley et al.'s (2006) and Richardson's (2009) papers are reviewed and the concept of modes of engagement is explored. This concept explains the way individuals can navigate structural in?uences that affect their careers. Following that, the paper offers a critical review of the literature on self-initiated expatriates (SIE) and the literature on the employment of migrants in Europe and France. Unlike international assignees, SIEs are not sent by their companies but rather travel on their own initiative ( Jokinen et al., 2008). The difference between a "migrant" and a "SIE" is found to be blurred in this literature. For the purpose of clarity in terminology, the literature review section starts by a comparison of the way the terms "migrant" and "self-initiated expatriate" are used in the research on international careers. Doherty and Dickmann (2008, p. 2) argue that SIEs are "not necessarily easily identifiable or accessible to academic research". Other researchers like Tams and Arthur (2007, p. 89) use the term "migrant" in describing SIEs. Such ambiguities could be explained by the fact that the literature on SIEs is relatively recent. In order to have consistent terminology, the term "migrant" is used when referring to the sample in this study. This term re?ects a long-term stay of the Lebanese participants in France as well as their minority status. Next, the choices of methods, results, discussion, and limitations of the study are presented. The paper concludes with suggestions for future research and implications. "Modes of engagement" as a framework to address the structure-agency debate on international careers Duberley et al. (2006) and Richardson (2009) describe the "modes of engagement" that individuals use in managing institutional in?uences on their career trajectories. Richardson's paper is very interesting for the purpose of this study as it puts an emphasis on international careers by drawing on Duberley et al.'s theoretical framework. These two papers are brie?y presented below. Duberley et al. (2006) examine how public sector research scientists make sense of and seek to develop their careers within their organizational and macro-contextual settings. The paper is based on qualitative interviews conducted with 77 public sector research scientists from the UK and New Zealand. It suggests that individuals choose orientations, in the forms "modes of engagement," which can help them to manage contextual in?uences such as social institutions and structures. Results show that participants either maintained the existing social structures or attempted to transform them. Maintenance, as opposed to change, is a default state rather than a specific strategy, where a person recognizes constraints and injustices but does not attempt to change them. These same authors call for further research in order to understand how individuals manage contextual in?uences. The second paper is very relevant for this study as Richardson (2009) investigates the modes of engagement of 74 academics who were pursuing an internationally mobile career - thus engaging in international mobility. The paper draws on qualitative interviews conducted with 30 British academics working in Turkey, Singapore, the United Arab Emirates, and New Zealand. It also refers to a further study comprising 44 interviews conducted with "international faculty" who had moved to Canada for work purposes. Richardson identifies the different structural levels (i.e. scientific, national, and institutional contexts) that international academics must navigate. Richardson draws on the work of Kaulisch and Enders (2005) which identifies the way academic

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careers occur within three specific contexts: the science context, the national context and the organizational context. The national education system in the host countries was found to in?uence the career experience of international academics. In Ca nada, for example, the recruitment of international academics is governed by restrictions imposed by governmental agencies. The paper suggests that countries like New Zealand and Canada do not offer appropriate employment opportunities for international academics coming from Eastern Europe and the Middle East. The paper suggests that some countries and academic institutions are willing to recruit international academics but are sometimes unwilling to adjust their institutional policies so as to use fully their human capital. There was also some disconnect in the structural contexts where some departments within the same institution encouraged international careers more than others. For example, depending on their scientific discipline (e.g. natural and medical sciences), academics benefited from different international mobility opportunities. These structural contradictions described by Richardson (2009, p. 168) suggest that an international career is characterized by "seams" which must be navigated by individuals. These seams represent the tension between the context of science and the national and institutional contexts of academia. Richardson shows that individuals undertaking an international career oscillate between structural in?uence and their own preferred career choices. By default some academics adopt a maintenance approach whereas others, opting for change strategies, use transformative approaches in order to advance their careers. Richardson offers several examples of how "maintenance" and "change" modes of engagement can be used to explain the way international academics can navigate within structures and develop their careers. For example, Richardson (2009) describes how participants in the United Arab Emirates and Turkey expressed a "maintenance" mode by drawing "on their official status as temporary residents to describe the relative insecurity of their positions" (p. 166). They accepted the employment policies in these same countries as "pretty much unassailable" (p. 166). Building on Richardson's work explained above, this paper develops a conceptual framework for analyzing the strategies of internationally mobile professionals in managing barriers to their career development. The paper discusses the case of Lebanese migrants in France. The next sections of this paper offer a critical review of the literature on the careers of internationally mobile professionals. The use of the terms "migrant" and "self-initiated expatriate" in the literature on international careers The terms "migrant" and "SIE" are used in the current literature to refer to individuals undertaking an international career experience. For the purpose of clarity in terminology, it is important to compare the way these two terms are used to better understand the sample in this study. A brief literature review makes it possible to compare both terms on the basis of four main features. These are: the geographical origin and destination of the international mobility, the forced/chosen nature of this movement, the period of stay abroad, and the symbolic status of a "migrant" as compared to a "SIE" in a host country. The first distinction is related to the location of the source and destination countries of the people who relocate. For instance, while migrants are presented as "mov[ing] from developing countries to developed countries most notably from Asia to North America and Europe" (Baruch et al., 2007, p. 99), SIEs relocate from developed countries

(Doherty and Dickmann, 2008) and they engage in an exploration "across international boundaries" (Richardson and Zikic, 2007, p. 179). Nevertheless, many studies refer without distinction to persons moving from developing and developed countries as SIEs (Fitzgerald and Howe-Walsh, 2008). Second, the term "migrant" seems to imply a meaning of necessity, more than a choice, to travel to another country (Baruch et al., 2007; Al Ariss, 2010) whereas SIEs decide to "relocate to a country of their choice" (Tharenou, 2010). Again this characteristic is not always valid as migrants may choose to remain abroad for career, cultural experience and economic reasons (Carr, 2010). Third, while migrants are supposed to "find permanent jobs overseas, and would decide to stay in the more developed economies" (Carr et al., 2005, p. 387), SIEs are seen to have more "temporariness" in their choice of country of residence (Agullo and Egawa, 2009). The temporary to permanent character of movement leads to terminological ambiguities arising with regard to the terms migrant and SIE. Many scholars argue that SIEs embark on international mobility often with "with no definite time frame in mind" (Tharenou, 2010). Furthermore, many SIEs stay in the new home country on a permanent basis and thus become permanent migrant workers (Al Ariss and Ozbilgin, 2010). ¨ Finally, there is an implicit distinction between the status of a migrant and that of a SIE in a host society. For instance, Sayad (2004, p. 291) explains that the term migrant implies negative connotations such as that of being an unwelcomed social product and of "blur[ing] the borders of the national order." Berry (2009) explains how the status of a migrant is commonly used in the international management literature as "inferiorized other." Unlike migrants, SIEs are referred to in more positive terms, such as by being described as "accustomed to interacting and motivated to interact with host country nationals" (Peltokorpi and Froese, 2009, p. 1106). The literature on SIEs does not address the experiences of individuals from ethnic minorities who undertake an international career experience (Zikic et al., 2008). In sum, the management literature uses the terms "migration" and "self-initiated expatriation" in an inconsistent manner. A literature review was helpful in determining how the participants in this study will be defined. For the purpose of this paper, there are four characteristics that make the term "migrant" appropriate for describing the status of the participants of in study. First, Lebanese participants decided to leave for France, a developed country; Second, most of them stated that the decision to undertake an international mobility came as a necessity, i.e. because of war and political instability among many other reasons; Third, they stayed in France on a long-term basis; and finally, they felt disadvantaged in France in terms of life and career prospects. Understanding careers of internationally mobile professionals Careers of persons living and working outside their countries of origin are extensively discussed in the literature on SIEs. SIEs are most often described as remaining abroad on a permanent and temporary basis (Tharenou, 2009; Tharenou and Caulfield, 2010). This literature is useful in understanding the career experiences of participants in this study as they moved with no precise time frame in mind. This literature suffers from three inadequacies in accounting for the understanding of international career experiences. First, the international career experiences of skilled people moving from developing countries to developed are under-researched. Second, this literature remains silent with respect to the significance of ethnicity in accounting for the career experiences

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of the internationally mobile workforce. Third, this literature does not sufficiently explore the career barriers imposed on individuals undertaking international mobility. Nor does it explore their respective coping strategies. This section exposes the three gaps in this same order. In an attempt to fill these gaps, this paper discusses various forms of structural barriers imposed on ethnic minority migrants and the strategies they use to manage their career development. A great deal of research focuses on the careers of persons from developed countries undertaking an international experience (Doherty and Dickmann, 2008). For example, Inkson and Myers (2003) focus on "Big OE," that is to say overseas experiences undertaken mainly by young people from New Zealand. Jokinen et al. (2008) discuss the work experiences of professionals from Finland. Nevertheless, skilled people from less developed countries undertaking an international career remain "an almost hidden aspect of the international labor market" ( Jokinen et al., 2008, p. 979). Frequently, people undertaking an international experience are conceptualized as free agents who can cross organizational and national borders (Tharenou, 2009). Less focus is made on the barriers that constrain their career choices (Richardson, 2009). Working abroad is considered helpful for developing work-related and personal skills. For example, Richardson and Mckenna (2003) investigate the career experiences of 30 British SIEs (16 women and 14 men) living in New Zealand, Singapore, Turkey, and the United Arab Emirates. Their findings suggest that professional experience earned abroad was beneficial for career development. There is research evidence that ethnic minority groups may be subject to discrimination in organizations (Jehn and Bezrukova, 2004). Ethnicity is understood as socially constructed and includes characteristics such as "language, history, or ancestry (real or imagined), religion, and styles of dress" (Giddens, 2001, p. 246). Vance and Paik (2006) recognize that ethnic tensions emerge in societies as the global economy makes it easier for people to travel between countries. Career studies remain under-developed with respect to understanding the career experiences of persons from ethnic minorities undertaking an international career (Syed, 2008). Berry (2009, p. 2) understands the underrepresentation of minorities in the international management literature as an "omission." The same author explains that this omission can be explicable as much of management research is generated by people who are demographically similar to expatriates. Nonetheless, migrant minorities constitute a pool of international human resources that offers organizations alternatives to traditional corporate expatriation (Bonache and Zarraga-Oberty, 2008). For example, in their study of Indian workers in ´ Japan, Agullo and Egawa (2009, p. 161) propose that organizations can "design support systems adaptable to diverse needs" such as "for those who have already settled in Japan and want instead to contribute back to their home country." Finally, we know little about how individuals undertaking an international career face and cope with barriers to their professional development in the host countries. Persons who face legal barriers, i.e. labor regulations imposing restrictions on migrantssuch as work permits, are known to have strong career constraints (Syed, 2008). Drawing on interviews with 50 SIE New Zealanders, Inkson and Myers (2003) found that when they did not get appropriate visas and work permits, they worked in jobs that did not suit their qualifications. In addition, organizations and institutions in the host countries could discredit expatriates' human capital, such as by not recognizing their academic qualifications and professional experiences (Zikic et al., 2008). Migrants can

also face discrimination in accessing jobs and advancing careers. Legal barriers and discrimination can lead to migrants' underemployment (Inkson et al., 2004; Carr et al., 2005). Underemployment is defined here as underutilization of the individuals' skills and expertise. This causes job dissatisfaction and a low level of job involvement (Lee, 2005). Employment of migrants in Europe and France This section of the paper discusses the policies and context of employment of migrants in Europe, in particular in France. In doing so, it helps to develop our understanding of the position of the Lebanese migrants as an ethnic minority, in the French labor market. European Union (EU) agreements on immigration suggest that power over the immigration of non-EU nationals is in the hands of nation-states, with EU policies adopted only when these are consistent with national interests (Lettner, 1997). However, EU nationstates have contrasting visions of justice and democracy. For example, while ethnic categorizing of minorities is accepted in Britain (Lupton and Power, 2004), it is against the law in France. By analyzing the development of immigration policies in the EU, Guiraudon (2003) concludes that the failure of EU countries to coordinate their policies of immigration is expected to reinforce the emergence of policies that are anti-immigrant and against the unification of Europe. France relies on the republican ideals of equality, liberty, and brotherhood without any recognition for ethnic minority groups (Peabody and Stovall, 2003). In other words, ethnic minorities are assumed to enjoy the same rights and obligations as other French natives (Camus, 2006). The ethnic-blindness in French Republicanism has historical roots. Osler and Starkey (2005) explain that ethnic statistics were collected during the Nazi occupation of 1940-1944 and then used to discriminate against ethnic groups. It is consequently understandable that there are extreme reservations about categorizing by ethnicity in France (Osler and Starkey, 2005, p. 211). Despite the "equality and brotherhood" that is claimed, however, there is empirical evidence that suggests that ethnic minorities in France are discriminated against in schooling and work opportunities (Cediye and Foroni, 2007). Immigration procedures in France are somewhat selective and complex when it comes to delivering work permits for non-EU citizens. For example, prospective employers usually have to demonstrate that no other person in France can fill the vacancy in question. This restrictive policy against migrants is also quite common in other countries. For instance, Richardson's (2009) paper specifically identifies this approach as being prevalent in Canada. Moreover, two types of jobs are available for non-EU citizens in France, i.e. regulated and unregulated professions. Both require work permits, but the institutionalization of various barriers in regulated professions can result in either delay or failure to enter their respective fields. In the case of relatively unregulated professions, recognition of the migrants' human capital depends on the organization they wish to work for. In other words, if an employer recognizes the value of an employee's qualifications, the state can consider delivering a work permit. On the other hand, among the regulated professions (e.g. medicine, law, employment in the public sector), employees must either hold French citizenship or pass through a complex selection procedure, run by the French state, before being allowed to practice (Al Ariss and Ozbilgin, 2010). Some of these institutional procedures leading to talent ¨ waste are not unique to France. For example, Zikic et al. (2008) examine boundary

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crossing experiences and adaptation of 47 migrant professionals in Canada, Spain, and France. The same authors indicate the problem of non-recognition of migrants' credentials and discounting of their foreign experience in Canada. In New Zealand, by interviewing 80 recruitment specialists, Coates and Carr (2005) found that while migrants are granted entry depending on their knowledge of the English language and based on their qualifications, they are often offered jobs that are incompatible with their qualifications. Drawing on the themes notes above, this paper will, therefore, investigate how skilled Lebanese migrants manage these forms of discrimination and the related legal barriers to advance their careers in France. Methodology Triangulation is used in this research. Triangulation consists of using more than one source of data. Thus, this research draws on 43 qualitative interviews conducted in 2007 and 2008, with Lebanese skilled migrants (18 women and 25 men) living in Paris. An additional six qualitative interviews were conducted with policymakers and immigration specialists. The paper will maintain the confidentiality of all interviewees by changing the names when reporting data from their accounts. Furthermore, the paper will not identify the names of the interviewees' employers, except where explicit permission to do so has been granted. Whilst the majority of interviews were tape-recorded, four interviewees did not agree to be recorded; so detailed notes were taken during their interviews. In all cases, brief observational notes were taken regarding participants' work environments, outside interactions, and facial expressions. When analyzing the interviews, these notes allowed the author to re-situate the context in which the participants' accounts were recorded. Finally, relevant immigration policies in France were analyzed in terms of how labor migrants are accepted for entry into France as well as their access to employment. They also regulate diversity measures practiced in organizations and the sanctions against discrimination. Multiple approaches to sampling were used to gain research access. These were: snowballing, social contacts, visits, and an internet guide. To achieve a diverse group of participants in terms of professional experiences, gender, and age, purposeful sampling was used in selecting interviewees in Paris. Participants had all lived in Lebanon and had worked for at least a few months in France. They came to France with no defined time frame in mind and their period of migration varied between two and 39 years. A total of 30 participants had acquired French citizenship by the time of the interview, while most of the others had only Lebanese citizenship. They had various educational levels, such as doctoral degrees (11 interviewees), masters degrees (22 interviewees), bachelors degrees (nine interviewees), and one had only a high school diploma but possessed extensive training and professional experience. All but five of them had done all or part of their studies in France. Participants were either employed in organizations (28 interviewees), entrepreneurs (12 interviewees), or unemployed (three interviewees). Excluding the three participants who were unemployed, interviewees worked in management (22 interviewees), engineering (13 interviewees), medicine (three interviewees), catering (one interviewee), and academic professions (one interviewee). Collection of data and sampling were carried out at the same time. Data collected informed subsequent choice of interviewees. For example, two Muslim women who wear the Islamic veil were selected in recognition of interviewees pointing to difficulties faced by Muslim women based on their choice of dress in France. Participants were between

the ages of 25 and 62; half of them were married and the other half were either single or dating. Almost half of them were Muslims and the rest were Christians. A total of 15 participants worked in regulated professions. Two types of employment, regulated and unregulated, are available for non-EU citizens in France. Both types require work permits. Additional barriers are imposed by the French state in regulated employment. Regulated employment includes civil service jobs. Professions such as medical and paramedical work, architecture, certified public accountancy, and social work, are also regulated regardless of whether they are practiced in the public or in the private sector. Employees applying for regulated employment must hold French citizenship and/or pass through a complex selection procedure, established and run by the French Government, before being allowed to practice. In unregulated employment, recognition of the migrants' qualifications depends on the host organization. For example, in engineering or business jobs advertised in private companies, recognition of the migrants' qualifications depends on the organization. In other words, if an employer recognizes the value of an employee's qualifications, no barriers are normally imposed by the state against the person's employment in France. Over 50 e-mails and ten invitation letters were sent to relevant policymakers in France and Europe. Six qualitative interviews were conducted with those who accepted invitations. These interviews were helpful in getting detailed answers about issues that were unwritten in policy documents. The six interviewees included: . a policymaker at the Higher Council for Integration (HCI); . a person involved in developing policies at the International Labor Organization (ILO); . two immigration specialists working with migrants in France; . one interviewee working with the French Government; and . a French academic specializing in human resource management, with expert knowledge of French institutions. The interviews lasted approximately one hour and most of the interviews were conducted in French. The interview and document data were subjected to thematic coding for the purposes of this paper. QSR NVivo software was used to code the data collected. This software helps to identity, code, and to connect themes together in a systematic fashion. Although the nodes were driven predominantly by the data, they were also informed by the author's reading of the literature (Fendt and Sachs, 2008). Coding was iterative where new nodes were added as they emerged from the following interviews. Although this approach to analysis was time consuming, it encouraged indepth examination of the data, as each transcript was read many times. A priori nodes were focused around the reasons for departure from Lebanon, the expatriation experience, and possibilities of return. However, after several interviews were conducted and as analysis was progressing, key themes began to emerge regarding participants' experiences of capital accumulation and deployment. For example, social capital was linked to family, friendship, and professional relationships. Accumulating social capital was also coupled with professional difficulties. Similarly, the deployment of capital was in?uenced by factors such as gender and ethnicity that were also coded. Underemployment and unemployment were first mainly linked to France. However, it soon became apparent

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that participants had also had similar experiences in Lebanon so these were included in the analysis. Upon the completion of coding and analysis, selected quotes were translated from French to English to be included in this paper. Results This section is divided into three parts. The first two parts explore the context of this study by discussing career barriers faced by participants. In the third part, the paper explains how, within this context, they navigated the structural barriers to their career development. Career development denotes the participants' desired outcome of their work experiences over time. Participants referred to institutional and organizational barriers that restricted 17 participants in using their human capital in France. Richardson's (2009) paper on the challenges that international academics encounter in Canada and how they manage them was particularly useful in providing a framework for understanding the experiences of the participants in this study. The paper will also suggest that, in time, participants challenged the structural barriers and attempted to develop their careers. The immigration context in France Even when participants were close to finding an employment suitable to their qualifications, work authorization procedures were complicated, lasted for months, and were costly, which discouraged employers from recruiting them. Most of the participants who did not report underemployment worked in unregulated professions. Those who chose to work in medicine, law, or in the public sector jobs, faced the institutional barriers of regulated professions. For example, having a French citizenship was mentioned to be a requirement to their employment. Participants described how in such professions, merit (i.e. the possession of an adequate education and professional experience) was not enough for finding employment. They explained how criteria based on their country of origin were used to place constraints upon their careers. For instance, without a European citizenship, they had to face additional legal restrictions. For example, prior to obtaining citizenship, the three participants who were doctors reported having had only part-time medical jobs. Even when these doctors studied successfully in France, they were not allowed to work in full-time jobs in French public hospitals. Furthermore, six participants decided to make a career change as they were not allowed to work in their chosen profession. In synergy with Zikic's et al. (2008) work in Canada, there was a lack of recognition of the qualifications of these six participants. Once participants obtained French citizenship and work permits, even though they had equivalent professional qualifications with respect to their native-French colleagues, they perceived that they had to work harder in order to progress in their careers. This was the case for Tomasso, a 44 year-old radiologist who came to France to become a specialist and then stayed there:
Tomasso: I had chosen the most difficult medical specialization that other radiologists do not want to do. What I practice, other radiologists in France do not want to do [. . .] it takes time, it is hard [. . .] If I was born in France, from a rich family, I could have chosen another medical career with fixed timing, 9 a.m. till 5 p.m., I could have played golf in the evening [. . .] Now, in my clinic, I have to work all day non-stop [. . .].

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Interviews conducted with six policymakers and immigration specialists revealed that policy interventions in France do not yet offer suitable support for non-EU

skilled migrants. In particular, actions guaranteeing fair access to employment (i.e. based on merit rather than citizenship or other restrictions) for migrants are missing. Moreover, government institutions do not support enough organizations willing to hire legal migrants. Such support could be made by facilitating/eliminating some of the legal restrictions placed on the employment of migrants. An interview conducted with a senior manager at the HCI, a committee that advises the government on making policies that allow for better integration of migrants, confirmed that no active measures exist to help migrant workers integrate into the job market. Such policies could be about providing codes of practices for organizations willing to recruit migrants, implementing anti-discrimination policies in the context of workplace, as well as other measures that help in combating underemployment of migrants. Another interview was conducted with Louis (pseudonym), a senior immigration specialist at the ILO who commented that states in Western Europe prefer that migrants have a non-permanent residency status so that they would be as much as possible out of the responsibility of institutions (i.e. in terms of social security services and retirement pensions among other reasons):
Louis: [. . .] Western countries don't want people from third world countries to stay permanently! It is also a political issue. They [politicians in western countries] think about elections. The public might not want immigrants [. . .] So they don't want people coming with different colors and cultures [. . .].

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This hints that migrants in France have to deal with political institutions that are often "unhelpful" in offering them support for developing their careers. Such institutions may even be hostile to a long-term stay of migrants in their "new" home countries, as it was pointed by the senior immigration specialist at the ILO. One interview was conducted with Sophie (pseudonym) a manager working in Humanity in Action, an international consortium promoting the protection of the rights of minorities. This interview concerned the contradictions between the official discourse regarding recruiting labor migrants and the ways in which migrants experience inequalities in accessing education and employment in France. Moreover, interviews with two specialists working with migrants confirmed that policies are very restrictive when it comes to the entry and work of migrants from developing countries:
Sophie: The basis of the French republican model is to treat equally all citizens equally in front of the law, not distinguishing between the different groups among the French population, keeping a secular system [. . .] This model needs improvement because we can see today that it has not prevented real inequalities from strongly developing. People of foreign origin or even those who have been French for 10 generations are more disadvantaged than others [citizens] in the French society. The elite of the country [France] on the economic, political, intellectual levels are rarely diverse.

Richardson's (2009) paper suggests that academics navigate contradictions in the course of their international careers. For example, where many participants saw academia as an international profession and countries and universities were willing to hire them, their geographic ?exibility was restricted by immigration guidelines that were established by these same countries and universities. For instance, in Canada, such guidelines "demand that priority be given to Canadian nationals" (p. 166) and "hiring panels must justify in writing why a position was offered to a non-Canadian applicant" (p. 166). In a similar way, skilled migrants in this study had to manage contradictions imposed by the political institutions in France. On the one hand, these institutions

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claimed "equality and brotherhood." On the other hand they imposed legal restrictions that prevented migrants in fully using their human capital. For example, Wafa is a Lebanese woman in her late 40s who has been living in France for the past 20 years. Her search for a job was complicated by the fact that public employment in France is often restricted to French and EU citizens. On the one hand, Wafa was allowed to do studies in France that were orientated toward public sector professions. On the other hand the French institutions did not accept to grant her French citizenship:
Wafa: [. . .] I worked doing temporary jobs like baby-sitting [. . .] I helped many students to do [. . .] to prepare their exams, as if I was their teacher. But in order to work as a civil servant, you need French citizenship, and that's an impossible mission [. . .] legally [in France], we have the right to have citizenship after five years of permanent stay, especially if you have a certificate of higher studies. This was never considered in my case [. . .] I mean, the law was not applied in my case! You see? So I haven't got citizenship [. . .].

In order to provide a more complete view of the structural barriers that participants had to manage in order to advance their careers in France, the next section discusses their experiences of discrimination in the context of organizations. In light of this, using Duberley et al.'s (2006) as well as Richardson's (2009) concept of "modes of engagement," an explanation is provided on how the Lebanese manage to navigate the structural barriers placed upon migrants in France. The organizational context Most of the participants felt discriminated against when accessing job opportunities and in the context of the workplace. Participants perceived that employers discriminated against them because of their gender (i.e. reported by female participants) and/or because of their Lebanese ethnic traits such as language, religion, and manners of dress. For example, this was the case for Kamal. He has been living in France for more than 20 years. Kamal described how he felt being discriminated by his native-French colleagues in the context of workplace. For example, he felt that having Arab origins excluded him from interesting medical job opportunities available for the French. This led him to launch his own business by opening a cardiology clinic in Paris. In this way, he wanted to avoid being discriminated against:
Kamal: [. . .] Well [career] opportunities are reserved for the French [. . .] Well, I always felt that I had difficulties to reach all what I have now [in terms of career advancement]. I have always given double the effort [. . .] compared to a French citizen [in order to advance in his career] [. . .]er [. . .] there were just bad opportunities for us [Lebanese doctors]. So this stalled my career!

Another example is Walid, a 31-year-old computer engineer who came to France in 2001. Walid reported a similar situation:
Walid: There is a form of racism among a large number of French people, for these French [. . .] er [. . .] for these French [. . .] even if you know France, its culture, its literature and its language better than them, you will always be an Arab and a Lebanese person. I have felt this at the workplace [. . .]

As discussed before in this paper, organizations were confined by the legal barriers imposed by the immigration policies and services in France. Such barriers re?ected a lack of a synergy leading to "contradictions" between organizations

and governmental institutions. The interview with Souad, a 39-year-old Lebanese migrant woman who manages an NGO promoting diversity in France, re?ected the way government institutions in France make it problematic for organizations to hire migrants. Souad organizes career events in France in order to help people from minorities find employment. She works with French organizations and with the French government. This re?ects the way in Richardson's (2009) paper, universities were willing to hire migrants by were limited because of the labor regulations in the host country:
Souad: [. . .] The system in France needs to be changed! [. . .] The organizations have a big problem in France, I feel it and I hear it! French labor regulations aren't ?exible [. . .] I feel that when companies want to hire immigrants [. . .] there are obstacles because they can't do that, and so skilled migrants don't get positive replies to their job applications! In the last career event I organized [. . .] I saw excellent CVs, those people were highly competent, but still they had been unemployed for more than two years! Young people need to work, those who have educational qualifications. I'm talking about migrants, and organizations need them. [Silence] [. . .] Why can't organizations and migrants meet on common ground? Because there is a sort of fear, an obstruction [. . .] why is there such an obstacle? Because of the system [. . .] this system needs to be reviewed!

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Participants managed the "discrimination" and "contradictions" barriers to their career development by adopting different "modes of engagement." These modes of engagement are discussed in the next section of this paper. Modes of engagement While the two previous sections describe the structural barriers that face Lebanese migrant in France, this section addresses the way the participants manage these barriers in their efforts to develop their careers. Maintenance and change were the two modes of engagement identified by Duberley et al. (2006) and Richardson (2009). Extending these concepts, this section explains four dominant modes that participants adopted in this study. These are maintenance, transformation, entrepreneurship, and opt out. In order to develop their career, all participants drew on these four modes of engagement at different times. They are presented here in the mode that describes their predominant experiences. (1) Maintenance. Maintenance implies recognizing career barriers and working within them in order to obtain a desired career outcome. Overall, eight participants adopted primarily the maintenance mode. The case of Mustafa shows how he coped with discrimination at the workplace. Mustafa is an Engineer in his mid-1920s. Mustafa related the story of a Moroccan Muslim woman who decided to begin wearing the Islamic veil at his work, knowing that no rules forbade this in the company. In fact, the company demonstrated openness and diversity in its advertising:
Mustafa: [. . .] If you go to the website of [name of the employer], you can see publicity [. . .] as if they recruit some Mohamads, Rachidas, Stepahies [. . .] ´

Yet such diversity was discouraged in practice:
Mustafa: [. . .] She began wearing a veil. People started speaking badly about her. I often heard people laughing at her and calling her - not to her face - a Ninja. I have heard much criticism, er [. . .] really very strange! I find it really strange how people who are highly educated [. . .] can have such negative images of people. Her supervisor didn't want her to

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wear the veil, so he transferred her to another department where nobody can see her. She has been working in her job, I think, for six or seven years [. . .] and from the time she began wearing Islamic veil, we felt that people had this reaction. Therefore, they threw her aside. They didn't want to understand that there are people of other cultures or other religions who acceptedher [. . .].

350

Mustafa's observation of this woman's experience made his own perceptions of the implications for his own career. Instead of changing this inequality in the context of his organization, and in an attempt to avoid discrimination, Mustafa tried to hide, in the workplace, the face that he is Muslim. For instance, in this same organization, he was asked about his religion but decided not to respond clearly. Instead, he attempted to explain that religion does not impact his job performance. In that way, he felt that hiding his religion allowed him to avoid being discriminated against. He reported that this allowed him to establish a good relationship with his French boss and helped him to advance his career. This re?ects the way Mustafa navigated discrimination rather than changing it. The maintenance mode of engagement described here re?ects the way participants in Richardson's (2009) study accepted the employment conditions in their host countries as [being] "pretty much unassailable" (Richardson, 2009, p. 166). (2) Transformation. Transformation denotes identifying barriers to career advancement and trying to alter them. There were 15 participants who identified various barriers to their career development and attempted to challenge them. A great deal of these barriers was linked to: being an ethnic minority in France, underemployment, lacking a power (i.e. legal status) to work in France. The 15 participants perceived that challenging these barriers would give them more power to develop their careers. Almost a quarter of the participants decided to replace their Arabic names with French ones in order to avoid discrimination. The case of Francois illustrates this. ¸ He first expatriated to France to escape war and to pursue graduate studies and has now been living in France for more than 20 years:
Francois: [Talking about his initial attempts to enter the French job market] [. . .] I had to ¸ change my name so that I could access jobs easily. This means that [. . .] er [. . .] when you present your CV, I never got job offers! The fact that I had French citizenship and changed my name [to a French one], at that moment [. . .] er [. . .] what I know is that once I had French citizenship and with my new [French] name, the first CV I sent I had a job interview for. This eased my insertion into the job market [. . .]

By changing his name and acquiring a new citizenship, Francois felt that he succeeded ¸ in overcoming discrimination as well as legal barriers. Looking at his career trajectory, Francois perceives himself as a successful entrepreneur. Success for Francois emerges ¸ in terms of his subjective self-satisfaction of his career outcome. This success is also objective as he invests in engineering projects, owns an art gallery, teaches in universities, owns internet cafes, and rents out apartments. ´ Where organizations offered participants positions incommensurate with their qualifications, participants strategically resumed their studies and changed employers. This accumulation of human capital gave them a symbolic power to challenge their institutional and organizational structures and attempt to develop their careers. This was the case for Aline, a 55-year-old woman. In Lebanon, she pursued a bachelor degree in philosophy and worked in many jobs such as journalism and teaching. In France,

organizations did not fully value Aline's human capital acquired in Lebanon. Thus, she was obliged to take menial jobs:
Aline: I studied translation at [name of the university in Paris] and got a degree. It was great to have this on my CV! Thanks to that and to relational networks, I was able to work in translation [. . .] After working in several organizations [. . .] 10 years later [. . .] I wanted to advance my career: I didn't want just to type texts as I used to do [. . .] I wanted to study law [. . .] now, Iamstudyinglaw[. . .]

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This could be related to Mayrhofer et al.'s (2004) notion of career capital. Career capital (Mayrhofer et al., 2004) combines cultural capital (knowledge and experience), social capital (social connections), and economic capital (money and properties). The experience of Aline shows how career capital gained in one country is not always valid in the international marketplace. In order to manage structural barriers to her employment and obtain valid capital (i.e. professional qualifications that are recognized) in France, she decided to pursue new studies. Along with her work, she successfully pursued several degrees. In this way, Aline felt that she succeeded in securing recognition from her several employers who promoted her. These findings show how international careers are characterized by "seams which must be navigated" (Richardson, 2009, p. 168). Accordingly, rather than accepting legal constraints as "pretty much unassailable" (Richardson, 2009, p. 166), participants actively attempted to advance their careers by many ways including changing their names, changing their migrant status, and acquiring valid and useful education in France. Using Mayrhofer et al.'s (2004) notion of career capital, the example of Aline who challenged her underemployment in France re?ects how developing career capital can be a means to more career opportunities. (3) Entrepreneurship. Compared to "transformation," the entrepreneurship mode of engagement meant taking an additional risk in organizing a new business in an attempt to avoid discrimination and legal constraints in the context of employment in France. Entrepreneurship offered a possibility of career development for 13 migrants based on the structural obstacles they faced in France. While 12 participants were entrepreneurs, one person had a career history full of entrepreneurship but was in temporary employment. Entrepreneurs used professional and personal relationships in starting their own businesses. This was useful in securing financial help and commercial cooperation as well as obtaining professional expertise. Mahmoud, a 62-year-old man, first expatriated to France to continue his doctoral studies. Upon receiving his doctorate, he returned to Lebanon. He was a faculty memberat the Lebanese public university. However, he decided to relocate again to France in search of better security for his family and a better economic situation. Mahmoud was allowed to study in France and later emigrate on a long-term basis. Nonetheless, the institutional and organizational contexts in public universities prevented him from working in his profession. In France, he reported that he was unable to find an academic post because of the strict legislation that regulates the employment in public universities. During his search for academic employment, he felt that professors selected their own students for jobs, even if they lacked the qualifications. By taking on the entrepreneurship mode of engagement, he succeeded in setting up his own bookshop and buying several others:

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Mahmoud: [. . .] I applied for academic jobs [. . .] but I soon realized that my attempts were blocked by selection barriers that prevented me from getting such positions! So I preferred to have my independence and decided to work in a job related to my previous profession [. . .] So I invented and created my own employment, for myself and for my employees, and doing so, avoiding all sorts of discrimination or other barriers.

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Entrepreneurship options were not always possible immediately for participants arriving in France. First, they had to acquire administrative authorizations such as work permits and recognition (when possible) of their previous professional qualifications. Second, they had to accumulate education, professional experience, and training in the business they chose. Third, they needed money and appropriate social contacts. With time, the 13 participants were able to accumulate the resources and fully engage in the entrepreneurship mode. Drawing on Mayrhofer et al.'s (2004) notion of career capital, this suggests that certain modes of engagement, such as entrepreneurship in this case, may only be possible at certain times. For instance, entrepreneurship required that participants manage the legal barriers (e.g. acquiring work permits), accumulate career capital, and venture in new business. This three-step process made them able to deploy their career capital in managing barriers to their career development in France. (4) Opt out. "Opt out" occurs when migrants are confronted with obstacles which push them to operate outside exiting structures. In comparison with the "transformation" and "entrepreneurship" modes, "opt out" entails for an individual a sense of subjective and objective failure to developing a desirable outcome career. Seven participants reported that legal and discrimination barriers made them adopt an "opt out" mode of engagement in managing barriers to their career development. The case of Hiba illustrates this situation. Hiba is a 29-year-old woman who has been living in France for 11 years. In France, she pursued her business studies and worked for two years. After she had her second baby, she decided to suspend her career in order to take care of her family. Recently, she decided to wear the Muslim hijab. Hiba would love to be working again; however, she feels that employers will not accept her because of her choice of dress. She decided to opt out as she felt that the French employers would not hire her:
Hiba: [. . .] I see, that even if the law protects the citizens, all these people, in the society are against us! Even, perhaps, policymakers who make legislation! They make laws that they don't respect! [Laughing]. [When asked if she recently applied for jobs in France] [. . .] Well, no, I didn't! I was afraid to do so!

It is important to mention that participants sometimes adopted an "opt out" mode of engagement prior to shifting to an entrepreneurship mode. One example was Imane who is in her mid-1950s. She is a widow and has one child. Prior to leaving for France, Imane stated that she had connections with an elitist milieu in Lebanon which was useful for her career development. For instance, she first came to France to pursue an education in engineering in a well-known university. Unlike most of the participants, the elitist reputation of her school gave her a chance, whilst temporary, to experience a brilliant career in France. When Imane was appointed as general director, she felt that being a woman made it difficult for her to convince the company's board of directors of her style of management. She therefore resigned. She decided to "opt out" when she felt that she could no longer further her career, due to gender-based discrimination in her job. Shortly after that, she opted for entrepreneurship and created her own consulting company:

Imane: [. . .] I had the possibility of advancing in my career [. . .] until the day I became general director of a company and then difficulties started [. . .] In France, despite the discourse on liberty, there is a problem of discrimination [. . .] we don't accept a woman at the presidency of a board of directors. This remains a problem in the professional sector [. . .] This is very French, it is not linked to my origins! But it is alike for all women [. . .] when we reach a certain level of responsibility, we have to give five times more effort [. . .] It is a male chauvinist milieu [. . .] statistics show it: with equivalent qualifications it is not the same [. . .] there are cycles, so if it becomes closed, I set up my own work activities.

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It is useful to see how the elitist career track of Imane played a key role in her career development. Having succeeded in an elitist French university, she had access to career opportunities more than other migrants. Nevertheless, when confronted to gender barriers, she decided to opt out. Shortly after that she decided to venture in a new business. This transition between "opt out" and "entrepreneurship" shows a need to acknowledge their interconnectedness. This requires situating each of the four "modes of engagement" in a particular historical moment of the life of an internationally mobile professional. Discussion This paper had two goals. The first was to develop a conceptual framework for analyzing the strategies of internationally mobile professionals in managing barriers to their career development. The paper developed the application of the concept of "modes of engagement" (Duberley et al., 2006; Richardson, 2009). Four modes were suggested in the context of Lebanese in France. These were: maintenance, transformation, entrepreneurship, and opt out. Most of the interviewees used transformation (15 participants) and entrepreneurship (13 participants) in attempting to manage inequalities. Eight interviewees chose to maintain these inequalities and attempted to get the most from them. Only seven participants chose to "opt out" and decided to operate outside the existing structures. This four modes framework can be used in the context of future management research to understand the careers of internationally mobile workers. These suggested four modes were shown to be interlinked. For instance, it was demonstrated how Imane transited from an "opt out" to an "entrepreneurship" mode. This interconnectedness requires a researcher to situate each of the four "modes of engagement" in a specific historical moment of the life of an internationally mobile professional. The second goal of this paper was to better understand the nature of the careers that ethnic minority migrants undertake. The paper reviewed the literature on internationally mobile professionals and addressed three of its limitations, which are: first, careers of professionals from developing countries remain under-researched. Second, ethnicity is not addressed in this literature. Looking at scholarly international management work as mainly generated by "white" people (Ozbilgin, 2009, p. 113) ¨ gave some clues about why ethnicity remains under-researched in the context of internationally mobile professionals. Third, this literature does not sufficiently elaborate on the career barriers imposed on individuals undertaking an international mobility and on their coping strategies. In an attempt to fill these knowledge gaps, this paper revealed various forms of structural barriers imposed on ethnic minority migrants and the strategies they use to manage barriers to their career development. These barriers were discussed in the legal institutional and organizational contexts in France.

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The three gaps indentified in research on careers of internationally mobile professionals and the original contributions of this paper to this strand of studies are presented below. First, the careers of professionals undertaking an international career experience are largely discussed in the literature on SIEs. This literature focuses on expatriation from developed countries to other parts of the world (Suutari and Brewster, 2000; Doherty and Dickmann, 2008). With few exceptions (Zikic et al., 2008; Richardson, 2009), those undertaking an international experience are described as free agents who can cross organizational and national borders. Less focus is given to the obstacles that they face in the course of their careers (Richardson, 2009). This study strongly demonstrates that undertaking an international professional experience is not always an enjoyable and beneficial experience from a career development perspective. Richardson (2009) has addressed this matter in the context of academics undertaking an international career experience. By developing the application of Richardson's explanation and applying it to a different group (i.e. Lebanese skilled migrants), this paper demonstrated how Lebanese migrants manage barriers to their career development. In France, participants' skills, education and training alone were not sufficient to overcome the organizational and institutional barriers that restricted their full integration into the labor market. The study showed that the management of immigration in France has allowed in?ows of skilled migrants and yet presented strong barriers to their employment and career advancement. This indicates a need to better research the dynamics that make the international mobility of migrants from ethnic minorities hindered by barriers to their career development. Second, the literature on self-initiated expatriation remains silent with respect to the in?uence of ethnicity in accounting for the international career choices of individuals. The impact of ethnicity in France was particularly reported to be detrimental to the careers of the Lebanese participants in this study. Women experienced an additional vulnerability to the consequences of ethnic identity con?icts at work. For instance, the three unemployed persons were all women. Two of them felt being excluded from the job market in France because of their choice of dress. These findings contradict with the results found by Myers and Pringle (2005). Their study indicates that women on international mobility accrued, more than men, career benefits. In a more recent study, Tharenou (2009) argues that some career outcomes of undertaking an international career, such as the development of career competencies, may be equally gained both by women and men. Nevertheless, Tharenou launches an extremely interesting debate on whether career development may be less often attained by women. Findings in this paper show how ethnic and gender discrimination perverts the operation of principles of meritocracy in the workplace. Women from ethnic minorities were doubly penalized: first because of their ethnic minority migrant status, and second because of gender discrimination against them. Alternatively, the recognition of minorities would mean offering them equal opportunities in education and employment. Recognition also implies promoting diversity and anti-discrimination legislation that would help organizations to benefit from their international labor force. Third, as discussed earlier in this paper, self-initiated expatriation is disconnected from the macro-context of immigration (Jokinen et al., 2008, p. 979). Many expatriates may stay in their host countries and thus become permanent migrants. They have to navigate within the structural context in their host country in order to face barriers to their career development. The three participants who possessed dual citizenship

(French or American) prior to their international mobility faced a relatively easy immigration process. However, those with only Lebanese citizenship struggled to secure their visas for developed countries. Institutions in France were found to place restrictions upon organizations willing to hire non-EU migrants. This study shows that discrimination and national legal barriers interfere with the mobility and advancement of the international careers of skilled migrants from Lebanon. Richardson (2009) proposes that individuals can navigate such structural barriers by either "maintaining" or "transforming" them. It was found that Lebanese managed their careers by mobilizing their "career capital" (Mayrhofer et al., 2004). They deployed transformation, entrepreneurship, maintenance, and opt out strategies in mobilizing their capital in order to manage the barriers to their career development. This suggests that career studies should better describe and analyze the context within which international experiences take place. Finally, it is interesting to note that while legal constraints and discrimination hinder the careers of international labor, individuals play an active role in changing the inequalities they face. The case of the Lebanese in France shows how they engaged in four "modes of engagement" in managing their careers. Career trajectories were not only a matter of "personal" choice but also a product of their managing the "structural" constraints and opportunities that they encountered. Limitations and areas for further research This paper has two main limitations. First, the number of participants interviewed (49) is too small for making generalizations. In addition to this, quantitative research would be useful to determine if the findings can be generalized to other groups of migrants. Second, only limited access to policymakers in France was available in this study, a problem that was somewhat mitigated by the analysis of relevant immigration policy documents. Future career research may apply the framework developed in this paper when studying the experiences of people from minority groups undertaking an international career. Besides, it would be interesting to compare the findings with the experiences of skilled migrants in countries such as the UK and the USA where diversity is more explicitly encouraged. In a context where "white men continue to dominate leadership and management positions" in academic workforce (Ozbilgin, 2009, p. 113), management ¨ journals should be more supportive for research that voices the experiences of ethnic minority migrants. When navigating "inequality regimes" (Acker, 2006), minority migrants present a facet of self-initiated expatriation that needs a further exploration (Al Ariss and Ozbilgin, 2010). ¨ Policy implications The management of non-EU citizens working in France requires a reframing of their contribution to the labor market in more supportive ways. Further concrete steps, such as the formulation and implementation of anti-discrimination legislation and diversity practices, could be one way of helping migrants in their efforts to integrate into the French job market. A reframing could also be helpful in guiding French organizations with respect to developing and implementing equal opportunity policies. Policy makers need to ensure synergy between the institutional and organizational practices discussed in this paper.

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Implications for practice Skilled migrants moving from developing to developed countries should be aware of the organizational and macro-contextual barriers with which they will probably be faced. Findings show that ethnic discrimination and legal barriers sometimes pervert the operation of the principles of meritocracy. The good news is that skilled migrants can challenge and break down inequalities. They can engage in maintenance, transformation, or entrepreneurship modes, as many Lebanese did in this research, when developing their careers.

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