Description
The authors of this paper examine the role of the guidebook as a symbol and the implications
of symbols in relation to tourist behaviors. The objective of the researchers is to determine if guidebooks
act as a symbol for group identity within the backpacker community
International Journal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research
Joining the in-crowd: symbols for backpacker identity
Russell R. Currie Tamara Campbell-Trant Sheilagh Seaton
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To cite this document:
Russell R. Currie Tamara Campbell-Trant Sheilagh Seaton, (2011),"J oining the in-crowd: symbols for backpacker identity", International
J ournal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research, Vol. 5 Iss 1 pp. 47 - 56
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Natan Uriely, (2009),"Deconstructing tourist typologies: the case of backpacking", International J ournal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality
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Joining the in-crowd: symbols for
backpacker identity
Russell R. Currie, Tamara Campbell-Trant and Sheilagh Seaton
Abstract
Purpose – The authors of this paper examine the role of the guidebook as a symbol and the implications
of symbols in relation to tourist behaviors. The objective of the researchers is to determine if guidebooks
act as a symbol for group identity within the backpacker community.
Design/methodology/approach – The researchers conducted ten in-depth interviews in a Halifax
youth hostel in Nova Scotia to collect data for analysis. The data obtained in this study is analyzed
through a thematic analysis that involved grouping background information with the data that related to
each criterion for a symbol.
Findings – From the analysis of information obtained from the eight respondents, guidebooks
accomplish three functions equivalent to the three criteria of symbols: facilitating communication,
providing the basis for attitude development and acceptable modes of behavior, and facilitating
collaboration and conformity of the group.
Research limitations/implications – There are several limitations to this study that includes sample
size, location, and time restrictions. Consequently, generalization of results beyond the speci?cs of this
sample is limited.
Originality/value – The subculture of backpackers is able to survive because the social interaction
within the backpacker community preserves and develops the meaning of symbols. An examination into
the symbolic meanings held by backpackers provides implications in predicting backpacker behaviors
and destination marketing.
Keywords Guides and handbooks, Communication
Paper type Research paper
L
ike the tourism industry as a whole backpacking tourism continues growing at a
phenomenal rate (Allon, 2004; Hyde and Lawson, 2003). While mass tourism prevails
in the industry and caters to large, organized groups, with pre-planned itineraries and
modern conveniences (Goeldner and McIntosh, 1990), it can be problematic; Butler (1989)
outlines the negative changes resulting from mass tourism, including crowding, prostitution
of local cultures, and pollution in various forms, vandalism and increased traf?c. As a result,
some tourists are pursuing travel experiences that are more rewarding, enriching and
educational than mass tourism (Eadington and Smith, 1992). According to Cazes (1989, p.
135), a relatively small number of travelers are ‘‘seek[ing] out variants to mainstream
tourism’’. Travelers seeking alternatives possess both ideals and practices contrary to those
of mass tourism (Eadington and Smith, 1992). Backpackers are one subgroup, or
subculture, that has unbridled itself from mass tourism and strives to achieve a fuller tourism
experience.
Backpackers possess a number of characteristic attributes; they make ‘‘minimal use of the
traditional services of the international tourist industry’’ (Vogt, 1976, p. 27); they lack speci?c
travel goals and are motivated to travel for experiences that offer personal growth (Vogt,
1976); and they are budget travelers ?nding ‘‘ego enhancement from ‘getting the best
value’. In addition, status often relates with hardship’’ (Riley, 1988, p. 320). Backpacking is
DOI 10.1108/17506181111111753 VOL. 5 NO. 1 2011, pp. 47-56, Q Emerald Group Publishing Limited, ISSN 1750-6182
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PAGE 47
Russell R. Currie is based in
the Faculty of Management
at the University of British
Columbia Okanagan,
Kelowna, Canada.
Tamara Campbell-Trant is
based in Milton, Canada.
Sheilagh Seaton is based in
the Faculty of Business,
Okanagan College,
Kelowna, Canada.
Received: May 2005
Revised: November 2005
Accepted: March 2007
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associated with rite-of-passage tourism, which is self-testing, long-termand characteristic of
change (Graburn, 1983). Non-touristy travel experiences are sought after by backpackers
because ‘‘social recognition in these circles... are derived from the exoticness of one’s
destination and variety and dif?culty of one’s modes of getting there’’ (Riley, 1988,
pp. 320-321).
The backpacking community use guidebooks extensively (Riley, 1988), as they function as
important sources of knowledge, communicating valuable travel information regarding sites
or gathering places appealing to backpackers, such as accommodations, attractions, and
eating establishments (Allon, 2004; Sullivan et al., 1996; Vogt, 1976). Researchers suggest
guidebooks are also a symbol in the backpacker culture (Zittoun et al., 2003). They have not,
however, applied the criteria of symbols to tourism related objects, nor have they fully
explored the implications of symbols in relation to tourist behaviors. The objective of this
study is to determine if guidebooks act as a symbol for group identity based on criteria,
taken from related literature, that constitute a symbol. These three criteria are: overcome
barriers and facilitate communication, form the basis for attitude development, and facilitate
the collaboration and conformity of the group. Results from the study demonstrate that
guidebooks meet the three criteria of a symbol.
Related literature
Lundy, Malus, and Warme (1994, p. 22) de?ne symbols as ‘‘. . . signs that have shared
meaning to members of a group. Behavior is then structured in terms of what a particular
symbol means’’. Structured behavior within society is the ultimate purpose of symbols
(Stryker, 1980). Symbols enable people to predict and anticipate their own actions, and the
future actions of others (Stryker, 1980). Through this anticipated use, symbols enable people
to alter or adjust their behaviors before they occur. Furthermore, because people possess
the ability to gauge the consequences of their behavior, and of the actions of others,
‘‘symbols provide for relatively high degrees of ef?ciency in cooperative activity’’ (Stryker,
1980, p. 37). With symbols, people possess the ability to anticipate their behaviors and the
behaviors of others; they will then modify those future actions to cooperate and conform to
the group (Stryker, 1980).
Anthropologists argue that societies emerge and continue to exist via communication of
meaningful symbols (Strate, 1995). McCurdy and Spradley (1994) state that non-linguistic
symbols such as how people sit, how they use their eyes and how they dress all convey
signi?cant meaning. Through socialization, people acquire cultural values and beliefs and
as a consequence they learn the meaning of societal symbols (McCurdy and Spradley,
1994). Symbols are created in society to form attitudes of acceptable modes of behavior.
A symbol is also created to overcoming barriers in communication. Symbols must facilitate
communication on account of ‘‘no matter how ‘?xed’ a meaning may be in ritual, magic, or
tradition, it must always pass the test of relevance; that is, it must help men to deal with
problems which arise when men act together’’ (Duncan, 1968, pp. 46-47). According to
Turner (1986) and Neal (1983), symbols come to exist for establishing structure within
society. Neal (1983, p. 18) maintains that people, with symbols, ‘‘create and enforce rules in
an attempt to regulate conduct and to promote orderly social relationships’’. It is evident,
therefore, that people use symbols to communicate, and to establish structure within the
group. The police of?cer’s uniform, for instance, acts as a symbol in most societies (Lundy
et al., 1994); to most, the uniform will act as a symbol of safety, and for others, of danger. The
uniform will, however, symbolize lawfulness, and maintain structure within society (Lundy
et al., 1994).
What typi?es a symbol is ultimately an object that can perform three functions (Table I). The
?rst function of an object, according to Duncan (1968), is to overcome barriers to
communication. A symbolic object must be able to facilitate communication. The second
function, according to Strate (1995), is for a symbolic object to provide the basis for attitude
development, and thus behaviors that are acceptable by the group. Society must con?rm
and approve behavior from a symbol. The third function that a symbol must perform,
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according to Stryker (1980), is to facilitate the collaboration and conformity of a group. A
symbol must establish structure, and norms, within society.
Symbol use is prevalent within many groups. Within the realm of tourism, tourists use
symbols to communicate with each other, and with their hosts. Tourists use these symbols to
ensure acceptable modes of behavior, and to establish status within the group. For example,
tourists often use maps and language dictionaries to facilitate communication with other
tourists and with the local people. Tourists often wear casual attire that conveys a message to
others of their intent for relaxation. The stereotypical camera serves as a symbol to
distinguish tourists for what they are: members within the tourist group.
Backpackers, as a speci?c tourist subgroup, also use symbols to sanction themselves and
to distinguish themselves from other types of tourists (Riley, 1988). Contemporary
backpackers are an adaptation of Cohen’s (1973) part-time, outward oriented, mass-drifter,
Vogt’s (1976) wanderer, and Riley’s (1988) long-term budget traveler. In order to derive a
de?nition of contemporary backpackers, this paper uses the critical elements of previous
scholars’ de?nitions (Table II). Contemporary backpackers are college-aged, educated and
from the middle socio-economic class. They are often at a juncture in life; their motivation for
travel includes the desire to meet others, and the desire for new experiences, particularly
those that offer personal growth. Contemporary backpackers also travel on a tight budget,
under ?exible timetables, and enjoy inexpensive lodgings and eating-places.
There has been limited exploration into the speci?c symbols that are shared by
contemporary backpackers. Cohen (1973), Vogt (1976), Adler (1985), Riley (1988), and
Allon (2004) have all contributed to the research on the topic, and have, more speci?cally
offered insight into the symbols that unify such travelers. The symbols that are often
associated with backpackers include budget ?nances, seeking adventure, and writing
journals (Riley, 1988).
Personal growth is a symbol of freedom to the contemporary backpacker and confers social
recognition and prestige within the backpacker culture (Vogt, 1976). Wanderers, according
to Vogt (1976), are motivated to travel for experiences that offer personal growth. They will
increase their status within the wanderer community as they experience a growth of
character during their travels. Wanderer’s personal growth, leading to social recognition and
prestige, is achieved through independence, the ‘‘exoticness’’ of destinations traveled, and
through the ‘‘exoticness’’ of their mode of travel (Vogt, 1976).
Table I Criteria for symbols
1. Symbols must overcome the barriers of communication, and must, therefore, facilitate
communication
2. Symbols must provide the basis for attitude development and thus acceptable modes of
behavior. Behavior must then be con?rmed and approved by society
3. Symbols must facilitate the collaboration and conformity of the group. Symbols must,
therefore, establish structure and norms within society
Table II Elements of the contemporary backpacker
Researcher Term Critical component
Cohen (1973) Drifter College-aged; aims to meet others; desires new
experiences; sticks to the drifter-tourist
establishments (i.e. cheap lodgings and eating
places with cut-rate fares)
Vogt (1976) Wanderer Middle class, college-aged; on a tight budget;
motivated to travel for experiences that offer
personal growth
Riley (1988) Long-term budget traveler Middle class, college-educated; at a juncture in
life; travels under ?exible timetables and
itineraries
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Cohen (1973) states that facilities frequented by drifters offer symbolic insight into the ideals
of contemporary backpackers. According to Cohen (1973, p. 97), drifters ‘‘seek out some
cheap and conveniently located hostels, eating places, coffee houses and similar
establishments.’’ Vogt (1976, p. 36) agrees, stating that wanderers are transient types and
the gathering place is thus ‘‘a popular centre, on any scale, where youthful wanderers
congregate’’. Furthermore, Vogt (1976) argues that the media, such as television and
guidebooks, are typical in identifying these sites. Such facilities, which cater to drifter tastes,
facilitate the exchange of travel information and are symbols of unity and identity within the
contemporary backpacker community (Cohen, 1973).
According to Adler (1985), the travel guide is a symbol for the acquisition of travel
knowledge. Adler (1985, p. 352) argues that modern tramping ‘‘functions more purely as
tourism than as labor migration’’, and that contemporary youth who wander are likely
traveling for leisure and not for employment. Guidebooks are valuable resources for those
engaged in contemporary tramping because such guides provide travel advice to
contemporary backpackers (Adler, 1985).
Long-term budget travelers derive symbolic meaning from their own adversity. According to
Riley (1988, p. 320), ‘‘status is often associated with hardship’’. Furthermore, backpackers
often choose the ‘‘less traveled route and more dif?cult way of getting there’’ for recognition
and prestige (Riley, 1988 p. 321). Intense friendships, based on the exchange of vital
information, are symbols of status and approval to the contemporary backpacker. Through
these interpersonal relationships, vital travel information exchanges about remote or exciting
destinations. Riley (1988) claims that these communication networks enable travelers to
determine where to travel, and thus the travelers acquire status or gain approval.
The guidebook plays a role in the culture of backpacking, providing symbolic meaning to the
members of the group. Cohen (1973), Vogt (1976), Adler (1985), and Riley (1988) have all
indicated that the guidebook functions as a symbol for the backpacker community. Cohen
(1973) and Riley (1988) point out that the guidebook functions to disseminate information,
and to further identify and unify the group. Vogt (1976) argues that the guidebook identi?es
gathering places and indicates places for travelers to assemble. Adler (1985) indicates that
the travel guide is a symbol for the acquisition of travel knowledge.
In order for the guidebook to function fully as a symbol within the backpacker community,
however, the guidebook must comply with the three criteria of symbols (Table I). The
guidebook must overcome the barriers to communication, provide the basis for con?rmed
and approved backpacking behavior and establish structure and norms within the
backpacking culture. This study determines whether guidebooks meet the three criteria of a
symbol and if they are truly symbols for contemporary backpackers.
Method
The researchers conducted ten in-depth interviews to collect data for analysis. Because the
interviewers approached backpackers without prior notice, the researchers gained rapport
with respondents by revealing the purpose and the nature of the study at the initial stage of
the interview process. Those approached were only able to participate if they were over the
age of eighteen. The study also limited interviewees to those able to speak the English
language ?uently in order to minimize confusion and miscommunication.
Respondents selected for this study re?ected a contrast in age, gender, ethnicity,
occupation and education. They were, however, members of a homogeneous group, and
were chosen for the study because of their participation in backpacker tourism. The number
of respondents remained numerically few, in order to facilitate intensive discussion and gain
insight into the experiences of respondents (McCracken, 1988). Of the ten respondents who
participated in this study, two backpackers provided responses in pilot interviews, and eight
additional backpackers for the genuine interviews.
The questions posed to the respondents during the in-depth interview followed the
schedule-structured interview format (Nachmias and Nachmias, 1981). All of the questions,
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including the wording and sequence, remained ?xed and identical for each informant to
ensure that variations in testimony were not the result of variations in questioning. The initial
questions asked the backpackers to provide general background information, supplying
useful demographic information and allowing the respondents to become comfortable with
the situation. Remaining questions addressed each of the three criteria for symbols. Section
one addressed the issue that guidebooks are a media that facilitates communication. The
second section pertained to the guidebook providing the basis for acceptable modes of
behavior within the backpacker community. The third section addressed the issue that
guidebooks establish conformity within the backpacker community. The data obtained in
this study was analyzed through a thematic analysis that involved grouping background
information with the data that related to each criterion for a symbol. This step was followed by
a comparison across interviews to identify common patterns and themes.
Table III summarizes the background information about the respondents. Data collection
includes efforts to have an international sample; one respondent was Canadian and the
other seven were from a variety of countries. The eight respondents interviewed ranged in
age from 19 years to 59 years. The amount of backpacking experience also varied from two
months to 35 years. Education experience ranged from a high school diploma to a
post-undergraduate degree. Two of the respondents were traveling together, and the
remaining six were traveling alone.
Discussion and conclusion
From the analysis of information obtained from the eight respondents, guidebooks
accomplish three functions equivalent to the three criteria of symbols:
1. facilitating communication;
2. providing the basis for attitude development and acceptable modes of behavior; and
3. facilitating collaboration and conformity of the group.
Guidebooks act as a means of overcoming the barriers to communication for contemporary
backpackers, thereby facilitating communication. This statement builds from the premise
that almost all of the respondents carry guidebooks with them when traveling and the
guidebook facilitates social contact. All of the respondents indicated that they had either
approached or been approached because of the guidebook.
Esoteric knowledge is present within the backpacking community, as common names for the
guidebook are used, and only understood, by backpackers. According to Riley (1988), the
use of the guidebook is widespread and within the backpacker circle, guidebooks are
commonly referred to by other names:
. . .the Lonely Planet publication, Southeast Asia on a Shoestring, is referred to as ‘‘the yellow
bible’’, and their large volume on India, as ‘‘the brick’’ (Riley, 1988, p. 323).
Half of the respondents in this study stated that they know the common names for the
guidebook, and two respondents indicated that other tourists would be unaware of these
Table III Background information about respondents
Respondent Age Backpacking experience Nationality Education Traveling
Sean 24 2 years Australian Post-secondary Alone
Angus 36 18 years Scottish Post-undergraduate With someone
Fiona 32 4 years English Post-secondary With someone
Karin 24 2 months Danish In university Alone
David 59 25 years English Post-secondary Alone
Anne 19 9 months Australian In university Alone
Paul 29 9 years Canadian High school Alone
Brian 23 6 months Australian Post-secondary Alone
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names. The backpacking community thus sanctions communication; these travelers use
and understand certain language that would be unfamiliar to a conventional tourist.
According to Vogt (1976), information about backpacker sites is identi?ed in the guidebook;
the gathering place ‘‘is a popular centre, on any scale, where youthful wanderers
congregate. The media, such as guidebooks... undoubtedly play a large role in identifying
those sites’’ (Vogt, 1976, p. 36). Furthermore, guidebook swapping facilitates the dispersal
and preservation of information within the backpacking community. Four respondents stated
that swapping in the form of selling, trading and sharing perpetuates the effective
dissemination of relevant information. The guidebook is thus an instrument that overcomes
barriers to communication.
Guidebooks also foster the development of attitudes that lead to acceptable modes of
behavior within the contemporary backpacker culture. The guidebook for instance,
facilitates attitude development with other types of tourists and establishes acceptable
modes of behavior by perpetuating an inclination to stay within the con?nes of the
backpacker community.
The respondents indicated that they both liked and disliked contemporary backpackers, but
had an even stronger animosity towards other tourists. Moreover, most of these respondents
stated that they were more likely to approach a backpacker than another type of tourist.
Cohen (1973) states that guidebooks unify the group by providing useful information about
inexpensive backpacker accommodations and restaurants and by indicating the time of day
to visit sites in order to miss the crowds of tourists The advice provided in the guidebook
shapes acceptable behaviors and facilitates conformity through the creation of linear
patterns of travel. One respondent indicated that the guidebook thrives on and encourages
a herding instinct common to backpackers; this respondent stated:
The young ones have got more of this herd instinct that the guidebooks kind of feed off and feed
to. They all travel the same route and go to the same sites. It’s quite hard to get away.
Linear routes of travel thus develop and are very distinctive in developing countries. Another
informant’s response includes the following observation:
There are little routes and it is even worse in the Third World. In a lot of places, [backpackers] take
a night stop here and they take a night stop there . . . It does become linear . . . It’s hard to break
the reliance on the guidebook and go to places that it doesn’t list.
These linear patterns of travel are more characteristic in developing countries where there is
greater reliance on the guidebook due to many cultural and language barriers.
Backpackers seek after certain establishments, according to Cohen (1973). Drifters ‘‘seek
out some cheap and conveniently located hostels, eating places, coffee houses and similar
establishments’’ (Cohen, 1973, p. 97). The local facilities that cater to drifter tastes facilitate
the exchange of travel information, and thus further unify the group. Guidebooks will either
bene?cially or adversely affect establishments that cater to backpackers. According to one
respondent, establishments if mentioned in the guidebook will encounter higher demand
and increased business; conversely, establishments that are not mentioned in the
guidebook will experience limited business by that particular subculture of tourists. For the
majority of respondents the guidebooks established structure and norms and modi?ed
travel patterns.
According to Riley (1988) de?nite norms develop among backpackers:
[. . .] behavior is channelled into the direction which brings status or at least approval when one
shares her or his experience with other travelers . . . This also effects where one travels; it is
important to go to the ‘‘in’’ places or try to get off the beaten track (Riley, 1988, p. 321).
A desire to conformwith the values and opinions of other backpackers modi?es the behavior
of backpackers. Half of the respondents indicated that the guidebook serves as a teaching
aid and provides information about acceptable codes of behaviors in foreign countries.
Dependency is greater in foreign cultures because of the vast differences that exist between
the backpackers’ home country and the country being visited. Because of this dependency,
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backpackers collectively follow the guidebook in situations in which they feel unfamiliar. The
guidebook thus establishes structure and norms within the backpacking community.
Limitations
This study has several limitations. These limitations include sample size, location, and time
restrictions. The sample size of the respondents was limited to ten backpackers. Two of
these respondents were used as pilot studies and the remaining eight provided the results
for this study. A larger sample size, however, would provide results that are more diverse.
Time was another limitation to the study. Researchers conducted the in-depth interviews
over a two-month period during the summer. If the interviews are conducted at different
times of the year, there may have been a wider variation in the results. Finally, the location of
the research was also a limitation because the interviews took place at one location only, the
Halifax youth hostel in Nova Scotia. Conducting interviews on a broader scale could have
diversi?ed the sample and rendered potentially different results.
Implications of the study
Determining the symbolic meaning for a particular group is important as symbols reveal the
basic essence and nature of a group. According to Evans-Pritchard (1951), an
understanding of symbols has many implications in discovering the basis of a society.
Evans-Pritchard (1951) recommends examining social groups through the use of their
symbols and language. The study of symbols and language can explain social relationships,
beliefs, actions and meanings (Evans-Pritchard, 1951). In order to understand the
backpacking community then, one must examine the symbolic meaning of the guidebook.
The subculture of backpackers emerges and continues to exist through the communication
of meaningful symbols. The subculture of backpackers is able to survive because the social
interaction within the backpacker community preserves and develops the meaning of
symbols. An examination into the symbolic meanings held by backpackers provides
implications in predicting backpacker behaviors and destination marketing.
Understanding symbols, and their role in communication, can provide key information in
de?ning and predicting the behavior of backpackers. According to Godbey (1994, p. 208),
tourism is voluntary travel to a destination that is more novel than the place from which one
traveled. The individual ultimately chooses all tourism, while it may be motivated by moving
away from something... or moving toward something... freely. The distinguishing factor of all
tourism destinations is that they are more novel, unique, unknown, or new to the individual
than the place from which the trip originated.
An analysis of the speci?c motivations of backpackers can reveal their reasons for travel;
their behavior can thus be de?ned and predicted, and behavioral opportunities can be
offered. The backpacker will travel in search of exoticness in terms of destination and mode
of travel, to learn about the world and self, for intense interpersonal experiences (Vogt,
1976), the desire to meet others (Cohen, 1972), an escape from the mundane, for ego
enhancement, 1988), and for status and prestige (Riley, 1988).
Novelty is an important factor when de?ning and predicting the behaviors of backpackers.
According to Plog (1977), novelty is an important factor in an individual’s decision to travel.
The backpacker is searching for a more unique travel experience (Fridgen, 1994); the
backpacker is considered a non-institutionalized tourist, and has more contact with the local
community, stays at the destination longer, seeks new and rare experiences, prefers
familiarity at a minimum, and novelty at a maximum(Cohen, 1972). Based on Cohen’s (1972)
typology of tourists, the backpacker is either a drifter or an explorer; both these types of
tourists are non-institutionalized but differ slightly. The drifter seeks novelty to the highest
degree while familiarity completely disappears (Cohen, 1972). The drifter has no travel
goals, no ?xed schedule, ventures furthest away from the beaten track, and shuns the tourist
industry. The explorer attempts to get off the beaten track, adopts some aspects of the host
culture, seeks novelty, but retains some familiarity. While all tourists seek novelty to some
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extent, the degree to which they seek novelty varies greatly (Cohen, 1972). Destination
managers can thus bene?t by understanding the symbols of backpackers. Symbols provide
important information about the motivations of backpackers and the degree to which they
seek novelty. If a symbol represents a standard of behavior, and a mediumof communication
of those behaviors, then destination managers can interpret the symbol and provide those
behavioral opportunities.
The popularity of venues is constantly changing. By following the standard product life
cycle, symbols may provide the basis to predict the changing popularity of a destination. A
destination, or tourist venue, follows a product life cycle in which it passes through ?ve
stages (Certo et al., 1993). These stages include introduction, growth, maturity, saturation
and decline (Certo et al., 1993). During the introduction phase, the product, or destination, is
new, tourists arrive, and revenue begins to build (Certo et al., 1993). According to Kotler and
Andreasen (1987), two marketing factors need consideration for successfully introducing a
new venue. The target market must be convinced to visit, and the target market must
continue with return visits (Kotler and Andreasen, 1987). In the case of backpackers, they
must be convinced to visit a venue through the guidebook, and then must be persuaded to
continue to visit through the facilitation of behavioral opportunities.
During the growth phase of the product life cycle, the number of patrons increases rapidly,
as there is heavy demand (Rossman, 1995). In the case of an establishment that caters to
backpackers, many backpackers would visit the new venue. The maturation phase
experiences a decrease in growth and the rate of increase of new patrons declines (Howard
and Crompton, 1980). The maturation phase is the longest stage for most venues, which is
followed by the saturation phase, characterized by further reduction in growth (Rossman,
1995). During the decline stage, the number of tourists decreases signi?cantly (Rossman,
1995), and the establishment ?nds itself being replaced by a competing venue (Certo et al.,
1993). Venue managers can revitalize their establishment or allow decline and termination.
According to Kotler and Andreasen (1987), four strategies are available for retaining
patrons. These strategies include market leadership, market challenge, market follower and
market targeting (Kotler and Andreasen, 1987). An establishment manager may display
market leadership, and attempt to maintain the venue’s position as the best provider of the
service (Rossman, 1995). Providing the motivation and novelty that the backpackers’ desire
can achieve a market leadership position. Market challenge refers to competition with the
market leader through ‘‘price discounting, programinnovation, improved service, and better
distribution’’ (Rossman, 1995, p. 470). While not providing the best service in the area, the
venue can provide the inexpensive accommodations or eating areas that backpackers’
desire, and thus entice business from competing venues. An establishment may decide to
become a market follower and maintain its status by keeping prices low but quality high
(Rossman, 1995). The venue can provide inexpensive lodgings and restaurants, without
directly competing with other venues. The tourist venue manager must also ‘‘remain aware of
market trends and be prepared to enter new markets as they open’’ (Rossman, 1995, p.
471). Through target marketing, an establishment can identify a unique segment of the
backpacker market and service it, without acting as a threat to larger tourist venues.
The product life cycle offers a model for the analysis of a tourism destination using Cohen’s
(1972) characteristics of tourists to predict the destination’s life cycle. The drifter
backpackers would be the ?rst to enter a new destination, as they are the most
adventurous of the tourist types. During the introduction phase of the area, more
backpackers would become aware of the destination, and the explorer backpackers would
begin to visit. The explorers are less adventurous than the drifters and would look for
‘‘comfortable accommodations and reliable means of transportation’’ (Cohen, 1972, p. 168).
A tourist establishment would begin to appear in the introduction stage. During maturation,
individual mass tourists, with an inhibited sense of novelty, would begin to arrive. At this
point, the drifters would stop visiting the area, as a de?ned tourist establishment would now
be prevalent. The destination would become saturated as the organized mass tourists
arrive; organized mass tourists would be associated with a package tour and would expect
much familiarity to home. The explorers would stop visiting the area, but the individual mass
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tourists and the organized mass tourists would remain. As the destination enters the decline,
the individual and organized mass tourists would depart. At this time, the explorers and the
drifters may return.
Because tourist’s venues are in a constant ?ux of attractiveness following the product life
cycle, the symbols of backpackers can be bene?cial to managers to predict the changing
popularity of a destination. Through marketing via the guidebook, tourist venues must
convince backpackers to visit a venue, and persuade them, through assurance of their
norms of acceptable behavior, to continue visiting. Venue managers can convince
backpackers of their worthiness by studying the backpacking community with their symbols
and language. An understanding of their symbols and language will explain the
backpackers’ beliefs, actions, and meanings. Venue managers can also determine how to
predict the changing popularity of their destination by assessing the needs and wants of the
backpacker culture through their symbols. Marketing to these speci?c needs and wants will
enhance the popularity of the destination. Further research should include additional
symbols of backpackers, speci?c behavioral patterns of backpackers and marketing
strategies utilized for the backpacking community.
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Further reading
World TourismOrganization (n.d.), Facts and ?gures, available at: www.world-tourism.org/facts/tmt.html
(accessed 15 April 2005).
Corresponding author
Russell R. Currie can be contacted at: [email protected]
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doc_684971697.pdf
The authors of this paper examine the role of the guidebook as a symbol and the implications
of symbols in relation to tourist behaviors. The objective of the researchers is to determine if guidebooks
act as a symbol for group identity within the backpacker community
International Journal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research
Joining the in-crowd: symbols for backpacker identity
Russell R. Currie Tamara Campbell-Trant Sheilagh Seaton
Article information:
To cite this document:
Russell R. Currie Tamara Campbell-Trant Sheilagh Seaton, (2011),"J oining the in-crowd: symbols for backpacker identity", International
J ournal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research, Vol. 5 Iss 1 pp. 47 - 56
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Joining the in-crowd: symbols for
backpacker identity
Russell R. Currie, Tamara Campbell-Trant and Sheilagh Seaton
Abstract
Purpose – The authors of this paper examine the role of the guidebook as a symbol and the implications
of symbols in relation to tourist behaviors. The objective of the researchers is to determine if guidebooks
act as a symbol for group identity within the backpacker community.
Design/methodology/approach – The researchers conducted ten in-depth interviews in a Halifax
youth hostel in Nova Scotia to collect data for analysis. The data obtained in this study is analyzed
through a thematic analysis that involved grouping background information with the data that related to
each criterion for a symbol.
Findings – From the analysis of information obtained from the eight respondents, guidebooks
accomplish three functions equivalent to the three criteria of symbols: facilitating communication,
providing the basis for attitude development and acceptable modes of behavior, and facilitating
collaboration and conformity of the group.
Research limitations/implications – There are several limitations to this study that includes sample
size, location, and time restrictions. Consequently, generalization of results beyond the speci?cs of this
sample is limited.
Originality/value – The subculture of backpackers is able to survive because the social interaction
within the backpacker community preserves and develops the meaning of symbols. An examination into
the symbolic meanings held by backpackers provides implications in predicting backpacker behaviors
and destination marketing.
Keywords Guides and handbooks, Communication
Paper type Research paper
L
ike the tourism industry as a whole backpacking tourism continues growing at a
phenomenal rate (Allon, 2004; Hyde and Lawson, 2003). While mass tourism prevails
in the industry and caters to large, organized groups, with pre-planned itineraries and
modern conveniences (Goeldner and McIntosh, 1990), it can be problematic; Butler (1989)
outlines the negative changes resulting from mass tourism, including crowding, prostitution
of local cultures, and pollution in various forms, vandalism and increased traf?c. As a result,
some tourists are pursuing travel experiences that are more rewarding, enriching and
educational than mass tourism (Eadington and Smith, 1992). According to Cazes (1989, p.
135), a relatively small number of travelers are ‘‘seek[ing] out variants to mainstream
tourism’’. Travelers seeking alternatives possess both ideals and practices contrary to those
of mass tourism (Eadington and Smith, 1992). Backpackers are one subgroup, or
subculture, that has unbridled itself from mass tourism and strives to achieve a fuller tourism
experience.
Backpackers possess a number of characteristic attributes; they make ‘‘minimal use of the
traditional services of the international tourist industry’’ (Vogt, 1976, p. 27); they lack speci?c
travel goals and are motivated to travel for experiences that offer personal growth (Vogt,
1976); and they are budget travelers ?nding ‘‘ego enhancement from ‘getting the best
value’. In addition, status often relates with hardship’’ (Riley, 1988, p. 320). Backpacking is
DOI 10.1108/17506181111111753 VOL. 5 NO. 1 2011, pp. 47-56, Q Emerald Group Publishing Limited, ISSN 1750-6182
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PAGE 47
Russell R. Currie is based in
the Faculty of Management
at the University of British
Columbia Okanagan,
Kelowna, Canada.
Tamara Campbell-Trant is
based in Milton, Canada.
Sheilagh Seaton is based in
the Faculty of Business,
Okanagan College,
Kelowna, Canada.
Received: May 2005
Revised: November 2005
Accepted: March 2007
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associated with rite-of-passage tourism, which is self-testing, long-termand characteristic of
change (Graburn, 1983). Non-touristy travel experiences are sought after by backpackers
because ‘‘social recognition in these circles... are derived from the exoticness of one’s
destination and variety and dif?culty of one’s modes of getting there’’ (Riley, 1988,
pp. 320-321).
The backpacking community use guidebooks extensively (Riley, 1988), as they function as
important sources of knowledge, communicating valuable travel information regarding sites
or gathering places appealing to backpackers, such as accommodations, attractions, and
eating establishments (Allon, 2004; Sullivan et al., 1996; Vogt, 1976). Researchers suggest
guidebooks are also a symbol in the backpacker culture (Zittoun et al., 2003). They have not,
however, applied the criteria of symbols to tourism related objects, nor have they fully
explored the implications of symbols in relation to tourist behaviors. The objective of this
study is to determine if guidebooks act as a symbol for group identity based on criteria,
taken from related literature, that constitute a symbol. These three criteria are: overcome
barriers and facilitate communication, form the basis for attitude development, and facilitate
the collaboration and conformity of the group. Results from the study demonstrate that
guidebooks meet the three criteria of a symbol.
Related literature
Lundy, Malus, and Warme (1994, p. 22) de?ne symbols as ‘‘. . . signs that have shared
meaning to members of a group. Behavior is then structured in terms of what a particular
symbol means’’. Structured behavior within society is the ultimate purpose of symbols
(Stryker, 1980). Symbols enable people to predict and anticipate their own actions, and the
future actions of others (Stryker, 1980). Through this anticipated use, symbols enable people
to alter or adjust their behaviors before they occur. Furthermore, because people possess
the ability to gauge the consequences of their behavior, and of the actions of others,
‘‘symbols provide for relatively high degrees of ef?ciency in cooperative activity’’ (Stryker,
1980, p. 37). With symbols, people possess the ability to anticipate their behaviors and the
behaviors of others; they will then modify those future actions to cooperate and conform to
the group (Stryker, 1980).
Anthropologists argue that societies emerge and continue to exist via communication of
meaningful symbols (Strate, 1995). McCurdy and Spradley (1994) state that non-linguistic
symbols such as how people sit, how they use their eyes and how they dress all convey
signi?cant meaning. Through socialization, people acquire cultural values and beliefs and
as a consequence they learn the meaning of societal symbols (McCurdy and Spradley,
1994). Symbols are created in society to form attitudes of acceptable modes of behavior.
A symbol is also created to overcoming barriers in communication. Symbols must facilitate
communication on account of ‘‘no matter how ‘?xed’ a meaning may be in ritual, magic, or
tradition, it must always pass the test of relevance; that is, it must help men to deal with
problems which arise when men act together’’ (Duncan, 1968, pp. 46-47). According to
Turner (1986) and Neal (1983), symbols come to exist for establishing structure within
society. Neal (1983, p. 18) maintains that people, with symbols, ‘‘create and enforce rules in
an attempt to regulate conduct and to promote orderly social relationships’’. It is evident,
therefore, that people use symbols to communicate, and to establish structure within the
group. The police of?cer’s uniform, for instance, acts as a symbol in most societies (Lundy
et al., 1994); to most, the uniform will act as a symbol of safety, and for others, of danger. The
uniform will, however, symbolize lawfulness, and maintain structure within society (Lundy
et al., 1994).
What typi?es a symbol is ultimately an object that can perform three functions (Table I). The
?rst function of an object, according to Duncan (1968), is to overcome barriers to
communication. A symbolic object must be able to facilitate communication. The second
function, according to Strate (1995), is for a symbolic object to provide the basis for attitude
development, and thus behaviors that are acceptable by the group. Society must con?rm
and approve behavior from a symbol. The third function that a symbol must perform,
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according to Stryker (1980), is to facilitate the collaboration and conformity of a group. A
symbol must establish structure, and norms, within society.
Symbol use is prevalent within many groups. Within the realm of tourism, tourists use
symbols to communicate with each other, and with their hosts. Tourists use these symbols to
ensure acceptable modes of behavior, and to establish status within the group. For example,
tourists often use maps and language dictionaries to facilitate communication with other
tourists and with the local people. Tourists often wear casual attire that conveys a message to
others of their intent for relaxation. The stereotypical camera serves as a symbol to
distinguish tourists for what they are: members within the tourist group.
Backpackers, as a speci?c tourist subgroup, also use symbols to sanction themselves and
to distinguish themselves from other types of tourists (Riley, 1988). Contemporary
backpackers are an adaptation of Cohen’s (1973) part-time, outward oriented, mass-drifter,
Vogt’s (1976) wanderer, and Riley’s (1988) long-term budget traveler. In order to derive a
de?nition of contemporary backpackers, this paper uses the critical elements of previous
scholars’ de?nitions (Table II). Contemporary backpackers are college-aged, educated and
from the middle socio-economic class. They are often at a juncture in life; their motivation for
travel includes the desire to meet others, and the desire for new experiences, particularly
those that offer personal growth. Contemporary backpackers also travel on a tight budget,
under ?exible timetables, and enjoy inexpensive lodgings and eating-places.
There has been limited exploration into the speci?c symbols that are shared by
contemporary backpackers. Cohen (1973), Vogt (1976), Adler (1985), Riley (1988), and
Allon (2004) have all contributed to the research on the topic, and have, more speci?cally
offered insight into the symbols that unify such travelers. The symbols that are often
associated with backpackers include budget ?nances, seeking adventure, and writing
journals (Riley, 1988).
Personal growth is a symbol of freedom to the contemporary backpacker and confers social
recognition and prestige within the backpacker culture (Vogt, 1976). Wanderers, according
to Vogt (1976), are motivated to travel for experiences that offer personal growth. They will
increase their status within the wanderer community as they experience a growth of
character during their travels. Wanderer’s personal growth, leading to social recognition and
prestige, is achieved through independence, the ‘‘exoticness’’ of destinations traveled, and
through the ‘‘exoticness’’ of their mode of travel (Vogt, 1976).
Table I Criteria for symbols
1. Symbols must overcome the barriers of communication, and must, therefore, facilitate
communication
2. Symbols must provide the basis for attitude development and thus acceptable modes of
behavior. Behavior must then be con?rmed and approved by society
3. Symbols must facilitate the collaboration and conformity of the group. Symbols must,
therefore, establish structure and norms within society
Table II Elements of the contemporary backpacker
Researcher Term Critical component
Cohen (1973) Drifter College-aged; aims to meet others; desires new
experiences; sticks to the drifter-tourist
establishments (i.e. cheap lodgings and eating
places with cut-rate fares)
Vogt (1976) Wanderer Middle class, college-aged; on a tight budget;
motivated to travel for experiences that offer
personal growth
Riley (1988) Long-term budget traveler Middle class, college-educated; at a juncture in
life; travels under ?exible timetables and
itineraries
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Cohen (1973) states that facilities frequented by drifters offer symbolic insight into the ideals
of contemporary backpackers. According to Cohen (1973, p. 97), drifters ‘‘seek out some
cheap and conveniently located hostels, eating places, coffee houses and similar
establishments.’’ Vogt (1976, p. 36) agrees, stating that wanderers are transient types and
the gathering place is thus ‘‘a popular centre, on any scale, where youthful wanderers
congregate’’. Furthermore, Vogt (1976) argues that the media, such as television and
guidebooks, are typical in identifying these sites. Such facilities, which cater to drifter tastes,
facilitate the exchange of travel information and are symbols of unity and identity within the
contemporary backpacker community (Cohen, 1973).
According to Adler (1985), the travel guide is a symbol for the acquisition of travel
knowledge. Adler (1985, p. 352) argues that modern tramping ‘‘functions more purely as
tourism than as labor migration’’, and that contemporary youth who wander are likely
traveling for leisure and not for employment. Guidebooks are valuable resources for those
engaged in contemporary tramping because such guides provide travel advice to
contemporary backpackers (Adler, 1985).
Long-term budget travelers derive symbolic meaning from their own adversity. According to
Riley (1988, p. 320), ‘‘status is often associated with hardship’’. Furthermore, backpackers
often choose the ‘‘less traveled route and more dif?cult way of getting there’’ for recognition
and prestige (Riley, 1988 p. 321). Intense friendships, based on the exchange of vital
information, are symbols of status and approval to the contemporary backpacker. Through
these interpersonal relationships, vital travel information exchanges about remote or exciting
destinations. Riley (1988) claims that these communication networks enable travelers to
determine where to travel, and thus the travelers acquire status or gain approval.
The guidebook plays a role in the culture of backpacking, providing symbolic meaning to the
members of the group. Cohen (1973), Vogt (1976), Adler (1985), and Riley (1988) have all
indicated that the guidebook functions as a symbol for the backpacker community. Cohen
(1973) and Riley (1988) point out that the guidebook functions to disseminate information,
and to further identify and unify the group. Vogt (1976) argues that the guidebook identi?es
gathering places and indicates places for travelers to assemble. Adler (1985) indicates that
the travel guide is a symbol for the acquisition of travel knowledge.
In order for the guidebook to function fully as a symbol within the backpacker community,
however, the guidebook must comply with the three criteria of symbols (Table I). The
guidebook must overcome the barriers to communication, provide the basis for con?rmed
and approved backpacking behavior and establish structure and norms within the
backpacking culture. This study determines whether guidebooks meet the three criteria of a
symbol and if they are truly symbols for contemporary backpackers.
Method
The researchers conducted ten in-depth interviews to collect data for analysis. Because the
interviewers approached backpackers without prior notice, the researchers gained rapport
with respondents by revealing the purpose and the nature of the study at the initial stage of
the interview process. Those approached were only able to participate if they were over the
age of eighteen. The study also limited interviewees to those able to speak the English
language ?uently in order to minimize confusion and miscommunication.
Respondents selected for this study re?ected a contrast in age, gender, ethnicity,
occupation and education. They were, however, members of a homogeneous group, and
were chosen for the study because of their participation in backpacker tourism. The number
of respondents remained numerically few, in order to facilitate intensive discussion and gain
insight into the experiences of respondents (McCracken, 1988). Of the ten respondents who
participated in this study, two backpackers provided responses in pilot interviews, and eight
additional backpackers for the genuine interviews.
The questions posed to the respondents during the in-depth interview followed the
schedule-structured interview format (Nachmias and Nachmias, 1981). All of the questions,
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including the wording and sequence, remained ?xed and identical for each informant to
ensure that variations in testimony were not the result of variations in questioning. The initial
questions asked the backpackers to provide general background information, supplying
useful demographic information and allowing the respondents to become comfortable with
the situation. Remaining questions addressed each of the three criteria for symbols. Section
one addressed the issue that guidebooks are a media that facilitates communication. The
second section pertained to the guidebook providing the basis for acceptable modes of
behavior within the backpacker community. The third section addressed the issue that
guidebooks establish conformity within the backpacker community. The data obtained in
this study was analyzed through a thematic analysis that involved grouping background
information with the data that related to each criterion for a symbol. This step was followed by
a comparison across interviews to identify common patterns and themes.
Table III summarizes the background information about the respondents. Data collection
includes efforts to have an international sample; one respondent was Canadian and the
other seven were from a variety of countries. The eight respondents interviewed ranged in
age from 19 years to 59 years. The amount of backpacking experience also varied from two
months to 35 years. Education experience ranged from a high school diploma to a
post-undergraduate degree. Two of the respondents were traveling together, and the
remaining six were traveling alone.
Discussion and conclusion
From the analysis of information obtained from the eight respondents, guidebooks
accomplish three functions equivalent to the three criteria of symbols:
1. facilitating communication;
2. providing the basis for attitude development and acceptable modes of behavior; and
3. facilitating collaboration and conformity of the group.
Guidebooks act as a means of overcoming the barriers to communication for contemporary
backpackers, thereby facilitating communication. This statement builds from the premise
that almost all of the respondents carry guidebooks with them when traveling and the
guidebook facilitates social contact. All of the respondents indicated that they had either
approached or been approached because of the guidebook.
Esoteric knowledge is present within the backpacking community, as common names for the
guidebook are used, and only understood, by backpackers. According to Riley (1988), the
use of the guidebook is widespread and within the backpacker circle, guidebooks are
commonly referred to by other names:
. . .the Lonely Planet publication, Southeast Asia on a Shoestring, is referred to as ‘‘the yellow
bible’’, and their large volume on India, as ‘‘the brick’’ (Riley, 1988, p. 323).
Half of the respondents in this study stated that they know the common names for the
guidebook, and two respondents indicated that other tourists would be unaware of these
Table III Background information about respondents
Respondent Age Backpacking experience Nationality Education Traveling
Sean 24 2 years Australian Post-secondary Alone
Angus 36 18 years Scottish Post-undergraduate With someone
Fiona 32 4 years English Post-secondary With someone
Karin 24 2 months Danish In university Alone
David 59 25 years English Post-secondary Alone
Anne 19 9 months Australian In university Alone
Paul 29 9 years Canadian High school Alone
Brian 23 6 months Australian Post-secondary Alone
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names. The backpacking community thus sanctions communication; these travelers use
and understand certain language that would be unfamiliar to a conventional tourist.
According to Vogt (1976), information about backpacker sites is identi?ed in the guidebook;
the gathering place ‘‘is a popular centre, on any scale, where youthful wanderers
congregate. The media, such as guidebooks... undoubtedly play a large role in identifying
those sites’’ (Vogt, 1976, p. 36). Furthermore, guidebook swapping facilitates the dispersal
and preservation of information within the backpacking community. Four respondents stated
that swapping in the form of selling, trading and sharing perpetuates the effective
dissemination of relevant information. The guidebook is thus an instrument that overcomes
barriers to communication.
Guidebooks also foster the development of attitudes that lead to acceptable modes of
behavior within the contemporary backpacker culture. The guidebook for instance,
facilitates attitude development with other types of tourists and establishes acceptable
modes of behavior by perpetuating an inclination to stay within the con?nes of the
backpacker community.
The respondents indicated that they both liked and disliked contemporary backpackers, but
had an even stronger animosity towards other tourists. Moreover, most of these respondents
stated that they were more likely to approach a backpacker than another type of tourist.
Cohen (1973) states that guidebooks unify the group by providing useful information about
inexpensive backpacker accommodations and restaurants and by indicating the time of day
to visit sites in order to miss the crowds of tourists The advice provided in the guidebook
shapes acceptable behaviors and facilitates conformity through the creation of linear
patterns of travel. One respondent indicated that the guidebook thrives on and encourages
a herding instinct common to backpackers; this respondent stated:
The young ones have got more of this herd instinct that the guidebooks kind of feed off and feed
to. They all travel the same route and go to the same sites. It’s quite hard to get away.
Linear routes of travel thus develop and are very distinctive in developing countries. Another
informant’s response includes the following observation:
There are little routes and it is even worse in the Third World. In a lot of places, [backpackers] take
a night stop here and they take a night stop there . . . It does become linear . . . It’s hard to break
the reliance on the guidebook and go to places that it doesn’t list.
These linear patterns of travel are more characteristic in developing countries where there is
greater reliance on the guidebook due to many cultural and language barriers.
Backpackers seek after certain establishments, according to Cohen (1973). Drifters ‘‘seek
out some cheap and conveniently located hostels, eating places, coffee houses and similar
establishments’’ (Cohen, 1973, p. 97). The local facilities that cater to drifter tastes facilitate
the exchange of travel information, and thus further unify the group. Guidebooks will either
bene?cially or adversely affect establishments that cater to backpackers. According to one
respondent, establishments if mentioned in the guidebook will encounter higher demand
and increased business; conversely, establishments that are not mentioned in the
guidebook will experience limited business by that particular subculture of tourists. For the
majority of respondents the guidebooks established structure and norms and modi?ed
travel patterns.
According to Riley (1988) de?nite norms develop among backpackers:
[. . .] behavior is channelled into the direction which brings status or at least approval when one
shares her or his experience with other travelers . . . This also effects where one travels; it is
important to go to the ‘‘in’’ places or try to get off the beaten track (Riley, 1988, p. 321).
A desire to conformwith the values and opinions of other backpackers modi?es the behavior
of backpackers. Half of the respondents indicated that the guidebook serves as a teaching
aid and provides information about acceptable codes of behaviors in foreign countries.
Dependency is greater in foreign cultures because of the vast differences that exist between
the backpackers’ home country and the country being visited. Because of this dependency,
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backpackers collectively follow the guidebook in situations in which they feel unfamiliar. The
guidebook thus establishes structure and norms within the backpacking community.
Limitations
This study has several limitations. These limitations include sample size, location, and time
restrictions. The sample size of the respondents was limited to ten backpackers. Two of
these respondents were used as pilot studies and the remaining eight provided the results
for this study. A larger sample size, however, would provide results that are more diverse.
Time was another limitation to the study. Researchers conducted the in-depth interviews
over a two-month period during the summer. If the interviews are conducted at different
times of the year, there may have been a wider variation in the results. Finally, the location of
the research was also a limitation because the interviews took place at one location only, the
Halifax youth hostel in Nova Scotia. Conducting interviews on a broader scale could have
diversi?ed the sample and rendered potentially different results.
Implications of the study
Determining the symbolic meaning for a particular group is important as symbols reveal the
basic essence and nature of a group. According to Evans-Pritchard (1951), an
understanding of symbols has many implications in discovering the basis of a society.
Evans-Pritchard (1951) recommends examining social groups through the use of their
symbols and language. The study of symbols and language can explain social relationships,
beliefs, actions and meanings (Evans-Pritchard, 1951). In order to understand the
backpacking community then, one must examine the symbolic meaning of the guidebook.
The subculture of backpackers emerges and continues to exist through the communication
of meaningful symbols. The subculture of backpackers is able to survive because the social
interaction within the backpacker community preserves and develops the meaning of
symbols. An examination into the symbolic meanings held by backpackers provides
implications in predicting backpacker behaviors and destination marketing.
Understanding symbols, and their role in communication, can provide key information in
de?ning and predicting the behavior of backpackers. According to Godbey (1994, p. 208),
tourism is voluntary travel to a destination that is more novel than the place from which one
traveled. The individual ultimately chooses all tourism, while it may be motivated by moving
away from something... or moving toward something... freely. The distinguishing factor of all
tourism destinations is that they are more novel, unique, unknown, or new to the individual
than the place from which the trip originated.
An analysis of the speci?c motivations of backpackers can reveal their reasons for travel;
their behavior can thus be de?ned and predicted, and behavioral opportunities can be
offered. The backpacker will travel in search of exoticness in terms of destination and mode
of travel, to learn about the world and self, for intense interpersonal experiences (Vogt,
1976), the desire to meet others (Cohen, 1972), an escape from the mundane, for ego
enhancement, 1988), and for status and prestige (Riley, 1988).
Novelty is an important factor when de?ning and predicting the behaviors of backpackers.
According to Plog (1977), novelty is an important factor in an individual’s decision to travel.
The backpacker is searching for a more unique travel experience (Fridgen, 1994); the
backpacker is considered a non-institutionalized tourist, and has more contact with the local
community, stays at the destination longer, seeks new and rare experiences, prefers
familiarity at a minimum, and novelty at a maximum(Cohen, 1972). Based on Cohen’s (1972)
typology of tourists, the backpacker is either a drifter or an explorer; both these types of
tourists are non-institutionalized but differ slightly. The drifter seeks novelty to the highest
degree while familiarity completely disappears (Cohen, 1972). The drifter has no travel
goals, no ?xed schedule, ventures furthest away from the beaten track, and shuns the tourist
industry. The explorer attempts to get off the beaten track, adopts some aspects of the host
culture, seeks novelty, but retains some familiarity. While all tourists seek novelty to some
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extent, the degree to which they seek novelty varies greatly (Cohen, 1972). Destination
managers can thus bene?t by understanding the symbols of backpackers. Symbols provide
important information about the motivations of backpackers and the degree to which they
seek novelty. If a symbol represents a standard of behavior, and a mediumof communication
of those behaviors, then destination managers can interpret the symbol and provide those
behavioral opportunities.
The popularity of venues is constantly changing. By following the standard product life
cycle, symbols may provide the basis to predict the changing popularity of a destination. A
destination, or tourist venue, follows a product life cycle in which it passes through ?ve
stages (Certo et al., 1993). These stages include introduction, growth, maturity, saturation
and decline (Certo et al., 1993). During the introduction phase, the product, or destination, is
new, tourists arrive, and revenue begins to build (Certo et al., 1993). According to Kotler and
Andreasen (1987), two marketing factors need consideration for successfully introducing a
new venue. The target market must be convinced to visit, and the target market must
continue with return visits (Kotler and Andreasen, 1987). In the case of backpackers, they
must be convinced to visit a venue through the guidebook, and then must be persuaded to
continue to visit through the facilitation of behavioral opportunities.
During the growth phase of the product life cycle, the number of patrons increases rapidly,
as there is heavy demand (Rossman, 1995). In the case of an establishment that caters to
backpackers, many backpackers would visit the new venue. The maturation phase
experiences a decrease in growth and the rate of increase of new patrons declines (Howard
and Crompton, 1980). The maturation phase is the longest stage for most venues, which is
followed by the saturation phase, characterized by further reduction in growth (Rossman,
1995). During the decline stage, the number of tourists decreases signi?cantly (Rossman,
1995), and the establishment ?nds itself being replaced by a competing venue (Certo et al.,
1993). Venue managers can revitalize their establishment or allow decline and termination.
According to Kotler and Andreasen (1987), four strategies are available for retaining
patrons. These strategies include market leadership, market challenge, market follower and
market targeting (Kotler and Andreasen, 1987). An establishment manager may display
market leadership, and attempt to maintain the venue’s position as the best provider of the
service (Rossman, 1995). Providing the motivation and novelty that the backpackers’ desire
can achieve a market leadership position. Market challenge refers to competition with the
market leader through ‘‘price discounting, programinnovation, improved service, and better
distribution’’ (Rossman, 1995, p. 470). While not providing the best service in the area, the
venue can provide the inexpensive accommodations or eating areas that backpackers’
desire, and thus entice business from competing venues. An establishment may decide to
become a market follower and maintain its status by keeping prices low but quality high
(Rossman, 1995). The venue can provide inexpensive lodgings and restaurants, without
directly competing with other venues. The tourist venue manager must also ‘‘remain aware of
market trends and be prepared to enter new markets as they open’’ (Rossman, 1995, p.
471). Through target marketing, an establishment can identify a unique segment of the
backpacker market and service it, without acting as a threat to larger tourist venues.
The product life cycle offers a model for the analysis of a tourism destination using Cohen’s
(1972) characteristics of tourists to predict the destination’s life cycle. The drifter
backpackers would be the ?rst to enter a new destination, as they are the most
adventurous of the tourist types. During the introduction phase of the area, more
backpackers would become aware of the destination, and the explorer backpackers would
begin to visit. The explorers are less adventurous than the drifters and would look for
‘‘comfortable accommodations and reliable means of transportation’’ (Cohen, 1972, p. 168).
A tourist establishment would begin to appear in the introduction stage. During maturation,
individual mass tourists, with an inhibited sense of novelty, would begin to arrive. At this
point, the drifters would stop visiting the area, as a de?ned tourist establishment would now
be prevalent. The destination would become saturated as the organized mass tourists
arrive; organized mass tourists would be associated with a package tour and would expect
much familiarity to home. The explorers would stop visiting the area, but the individual mass
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tourists and the organized mass tourists would remain. As the destination enters the decline,
the individual and organized mass tourists would depart. At this time, the explorers and the
drifters may return.
Because tourist’s venues are in a constant ?ux of attractiveness following the product life
cycle, the symbols of backpackers can be bene?cial to managers to predict the changing
popularity of a destination. Through marketing via the guidebook, tourist venues must
convince backpackers to visit a venue, and persuade them, through assurance of their
norms of acceptable behavior, to continue visiting. Venue managers can convince
backpackers of their worthiness by studying the backpacking community with their symbols
and language. An understanding of their symbols and language will explain the
backpackers’ beliefs, actions, and meanings. Venue managers can also determine how to
predict the changing popularity of their destination by assessing the needs and wants of the
backpacker culture through their symbols. Marketing to these speci?c needs and wants will
enhance the popularity of the destination. Further research should include additional
symbols of backpackers, speci?c behavioral patterns of backpackers and marketing
strategies utilized for the backpacking community.
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Zittoun, T., Duveen, G., Gillespie, A., Ivinson, G. and Psaltis, C. (2003), ‘‘The use of symbolic resources in
developmental transitions’’, Culture Psychology, Vol. 9, pp. 415-48.
Further reading
World TourismOrganization (n.d.), Facts and ?gures, available at: www.world-tourism.org/facts/tmt.html
(accessed 15 April 2005).
Corresponding author
Russell R. Currie can be contacted at: [email protected]
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