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The paper explores authentic places, personalities and products from a range of academic
and professional frames
International Journal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research
Globally marketing authenticated places
Linden Dalecki
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Linden Dalecki, (2011),"Globally marketing authenticated places", International J ournal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research, Vol. 5
Iss 1 pp. 38 - 46
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Globally marketing authenticated places
Linden Dalecki
Abstract
Purpose – The paper explores authentic places, personalities and products from a range of academic
and professional frames.
Design/methodology/approach – Authentic pop culture texts and tourist sites – and their associated
web sites – are analyzed via three perspectives: Gilmore and Pine’s notion of authentic placemaking,
Peterson’s notion of socially constructed and determined authenticity, and Holt’s notion of the authentic
slacker-rebel archetype.
Findings – Perceived authenticity plays an important role in driving the consumption of certain types of
pop culture and associated touristic sites.
Originality/value – The article explores three major perspectives related to authenticity which have not
been discussed together previously and is of value to marketing academics as well as stewards of
authentic sites.
Keywords Tourism, Marketing strategy, Narratives
Paper type Conceptual paper
Iconic places, personalities, and products
Early in a chapter titled ‘‘Frommarketing to placemaking’’ from their book Authenticity: What
Consumers Really Want, authors Gilmore and Pine (2007, p. 148) sound more like
time-transported Holden Caul?elds –narrator of the novel The Cather in the Rye – than the
marketing gurus they are. They state:
Gap’s advertising says Unique, but the in-store experience falls far short of what it says it is. That
is the fundamental problem with advertising: it’s a phoniness-generating machine (Gilmore and
Pine, 2007, p 148).
They argue:
The aim of placemaking is to make advertising super?uous. Get rid of all those manipulative
messages that work decreasingly well and all too often say what you aren’t. Instead, provide a
place for your customers to understand, use, play with, and fundamentally experience your
offerings in a place and time that demonstrates you are what you say you are.
Douglas Holt (2003, 2004) takes an opposing tack and makes the case that brand managers
can effectively deploy advertising to build and deconstruct/reconstruct iconic brands with
authenticity-obsessed consumers by speaking with a rebel’s voice. Regarding Mountain
Dew’s successful transition from a once-relevant so-called hillbilly soda into a freshly
relevant extreme-sports slacker soda, he says:
Icons don’t seek to mirror the thoughts and emotions of their customers. They speak as rebels. To
assemble a credible populist challenge to the national ideology, iconic brands draw on people
who actually live according to alternative ideals. And icons don’t simply borrow the trappings of
rebel lifestyles, mimicking their clothing or language. Rather, they understand the rebel’s point of
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Linden Dalecki is based in
the Department of
Management and
Marketing, Kelce College of
Business, Pittsburg State
University, Pittsburg,
Kansas, USA.
Received: August 2009
Revised: October 2009
Accepted: January 2010
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view so well that they can speak with the rebel’s voice. Mountain Dew didn’t simply offer up
extreme sports or retro clothing. Instead, by creatively mixing and matching slacker elements, the
campaign evoked the slacker zeitgeist (Holt, 2003, pp. 48-49).
Holt singles out Austin-based ?lmmaker Richard Linklater’s documentary-esque narrative
indie ?lmSlacker (1991) as a premiere audio-visual representation of the full-on slacker type:
a young adult ‘‘who would rather pursue quixotic activities than grow up and get serious
about a career.’’ Linklater’s Slacker may offer the most quintessential audio-visual portfolio of
slacker characters, but Breaking Away – directed by Peter Yates (1979) fromthe screenplay
by Steve Tesich – offers an earlier version of the character type. And – unlike the round of
characters presented in Slacker – the four young male buddies in Breaking Away engage in
risky Dew-Guys-eqsue athletic pursuits while avoiding work at the A&P and other such
McJobs (seven years before Amitai Etzioni coined the term McJob in his August 24, 1986
Washington Post article The Fast-Food Factories: McJobs are Bad for Kids). The American
slacker character-archetype emerges as an important component of the Beat movement at
least as early as former-footballer Jack Kerouac’s (2007, 2008) roman a` clef On the Road,
which depicts events from the late 1940s, written in three weeks in April 1951 and published
in September 1957. As the 1960s counterculture grew and crystallized around Timothy
Leary’s ‘‘turn on, tune in, drop out’’ ethic, a new type of slacker arrived on the scene en force
and en mass. As early as the 1750s, British social commentator Samuel Johnson discusses
the idler personality – see in particular Sarah Jordan’s account of Samuel Johnson’s take on
the character type in ‘‘Samuel Johnson and Idleness’’ in The Age of Johnson: A Scholarly
Annual, Volume 11 (Jordan, 2000, pp. 145-176).
Holt emphasizes iconic brands as resolving national tensions but does not discuss the
important role that regional differences can play in the generation of local patois and brand
communities. Texas-based b-boys – called break-dancers by the mainstream media – are
practitioners of extreme sport, though not in the slacker-esque sense associated with the
corporate-driven Mountain Dew campaign that Holt describes. However, in a sure sign that
Mountain Dew is relevant to this young-rebel crowd in the Austin/Houston area, in 2004 the
brand spawned an underground hip-hop mix tape from Austin’s DJ Rapid Ric titled Whut It
Dew? and an assortment of associated logoed merch – such as t-shirts – popular with Texas
hip-hop DJs, MCs, b-boys, graf?ti artists and fans. The Whut It Dew? logo has the same
colors, font, and style as the Mountain Dew logo and although the t-shirt may draw a
confused look if worn outside the Texas hip-hop community, ‘‘What it do?’’ is how one asks
‘‘What’s up? How are you?’’ in the region’s hip-hop subculture. Thus, the consumer-producer
appropriated logo offers a simultaneous nod to the general perceived coolness of Mountain
Dew in the hip-hop-nation as well as a more or less exclusively Texas-hip-hop-insider
greeting.
The ?rst Whut It Dew? mix tape was so successful it spawned an even more popular sequel
in 2005: ‘‘Austin’s DJ Rapid Ric is building a lengthy lead out in front of the premiere
purveyors of impeccably blended mix discs. His latest effort, Whut It Dew 2, is hosted by
Texas hip-hop legend Bun B of UGK and features a litany of exclusives from a Texas rap
scene so absolutely scorching that reporters from MTV and The New York Times have been
leaning far, far back in a southwestern direction to absorb the heat. Drawing from a pool of
artists that includes Slim Thug, Paul Wall, Mike Jones, Chamillionaire, Z-Ro, and Austin
favorite Bavu Blakes, Ric’s forte is mixing seemingly divergent individuals into a cohesive
team working toward a common goal. As resident mixer on (Austin’s) KDHT Hot 93.3, Ric
recognizes his position as an in?uential opinion leader’’ (Gabriel, 2005).
Subcultural and regional opinion-leadership as well as the distinction between bottom-up
self-generated content/culture versus corporate-created content/culture – advertising or
otherwise – are important in determining what consumers perceive as authentic versus what
is considered fabricated. Some consumer culture theorists (see Jones and Smith, 2005)
have embrace the idea that ‘‘authenticity is socially constructed rather than an attribute of
that which is called authentic’’ (Peterson, 2005) and claim that all authenticity is fabricated.
But even Peterson seems to acknowledge that authenticity is an attribute of that which is
labeled authentic when he contrasts the false claim to authenticity behind the
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corporate-constructed boy’s band ’N SYNC with the Beatles, who self-selected their
band-mates and wrote their own songs (Peterson, 2005, p. 1085). Peterson (2005, p. 1094)
notes that, ‘‘Authenticity is a moving target, and the content of the authentic, like fashion, is
continually evolving’’, thus implying that on some level he acknowledges content deemed
authentic differs from content deemed in-authentic. That even if the target is socially
constructed and a moving one, the target exists. As with DJ Rapid Ric, subcultural and
regional opinion leaders go a long way in pointing out precisely where that target is vis-a` -vis
consumers within a subculture or region. In any case, putting forth the notion that
‘‘authenticity is socially constructed and determined’’ is akin to stating that ‘‘political power it
socially constructed and determined,’’ which does nothing to diminish the actuality and
impact of political power.
Peterson illustrates that a region – rather than an entire nation – can play a role in generating
meaning at the brand steward level. He provides the early historical example of chaˆ teau
grand crus Bordeaux wines, whose purveyors position their wines as being organically
superior to – and more exclusive than – wines of other regions (Peterson, 2005). In the USA
one may consider the example of un?ltered Kentucky bourbons versus maple-charcoal
?ltered Tennessee bourbons. Some bourbon a?cionados are even particular about precisely
where in Kentucky, Tennessee, or elsewhere their corn – and supplemental bourbon grains
– is grown. The web site for Kentucky-based Maker’s Mark provides links to Japanese and
Chinese language portals of their members-only Ambassador consumer program as well as
to a timeline link with the following copy:
1951: Bill Samuels, Sr developed a new recipe based on locally grown maize (corn) and malted
barley coupled with gentle winter wheat – not the traditional and harsher grain, rye. Funny
enough, he did this without a distillery. He baked bread in the family kitchen, experimenting with
different grains to come to this conclusion. 1952: Marge Samuels (wife of Bill, Sr), designed the
bottle and named the whisky. As a ?ne pewter collector, she had always searched for the mark of
the maker. She was also a collector of bottles of cognac, many of which were sealed in colorful
wax. It was these two things that lent themselves to the Maker’s Mark packaging still used today.
The guided tour at the Maker’s Mark distillery in Loretto, Kentucky emphasizes the same
elements as the web site and does so with a similar set of country-?ed domestic tropes to
project its innovative world-wide brand on one hand while repeatedly injecting anecdotes to
authenticate that the brand is a down-home family operation on the other. The tour opens in
the old living room of the husband-wife founders and proceeds to the kitchen where iced
pink-lemonade rests on the kitchen table not far from red winter wheat displayed on the
kitchen counter in down-home glass containers. Thus, in McCracken-esque
meaning-transfer fashion a once unlawful product is infused with a domestic – even
somewhat organic – origin story. What two generations ago was an illegal and backwoods
product in America has endured long enough to become an internationally respected brand.
Fictional places as authentic tourist destinations
Citing an article titled ‘‘Middle-earth meets New Zealand: authenticity and location in the
making of The Lord of the Rings’’ (Jones and Smith, 2005), Peterson states:
If tourism promoters can reimagine the historical past of a country, they have also tried to
reimagine the locus of popular mythical worlds... the New Zealand government and other tourism
interests have taken advantage of the fact that the ?lm epic, The Lord of the Rings, was ?lmed in
New Zealand to turn into tourist destinations the beautifully rugged places where the various
important scenes of the mythic story were ?lmed.
Peterson cites another case in point provided by Grayson and Martinec (2004) in ‘‘their
study on tourists’ evaluations of the authenticity of the Baker Street ?at of the mythical
detective, Sherlock Holmes.’’
One Holmes tour’s web site proclaims:
[. . .] [in] The Sherlock Holmes Tour [you] travel into the world of Arthur Conan Doyle with Sherlock
Holmes and Dr Watson. This tour takes you down Baker Street to Sherlock Holmes’ real address
[current author’s emphasis] at 221B Baker Street opposite the Empty House. See where Dr
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Watson lived, see Dr Agers house and where Professor Moriarty attacked Holmes. The tour then
goes Down Regent Street to Piccadilly to the Criterion Restaurant and the site of the Cafe Royal
?nishing off back at the Sherlock Holmes Memorabilia Shop (London Horror Tours, 2009).
Thus, the tour purveyor underlines the authenticity and realness of the experience, and
primes potential tourists for both the tour itself and the souvenir shopping experience which
follows.
Anne of Green Gables by Lucy Maud Montgomery offers another example of a serialized set
of ?ction which drives signi?cant international tourism, particularly Japanese and Americans
tourists to Prince Edward Island, Canada. A newspaper article titled ‘‘Anne of Green Gables
Still Rules Prince Edward Island’’ notes:
It has been 100 years since PEI native Montgomery wrote Anne of Green Gables, the ?rst of eight
books starring a spirited red-pigtailed orphan growing up here in the late 1800s. The book was a
hit from the get-go, selling 19,000 copies within ?ve months of its 1908 publication. It has since
been translated into 36 languages and sold 50 million copies (Clark, 2008).
Underscoring the series’ importance in driving tourism and the concomitant marketing of
Anne of Green Gables dolls and other items (see Woodside, 2005, pp. 206-234), Clark
states that:
Anne Shirley, heroine of the Anne of Green Gables stories, which begat movies, which begat a
thriving tourism industry, which begat a marketing bonanza on this small island of 138,000, lives
and breathes in the hearts and minds of many a visitor.
And to illustrate just howreal the ?ctional Anne Shirley is to many tourists, Clark gives several
examples, including the following eyewitness account:
Wayne Bernard, [a] PEI native, recalls comforting a [tourist] woman in her 60s who was crying,
just devastated to learn that Anne didn’t exist (Clark, 2008).
Of course The Lord of the Rings novel was written by a Brit and set in a fantasy world,
whereas Sherlock Holmes and Ann of Green Gables were set in more-or-less real locales. Yet
in all three cases the question arises, how can patently unreal characters and their stories
attract tourists to real places? Yi-Fu Tuan – an early theorist of the place/space/experience
intersection – provides a partial answer if one substitutes story-driven brand community with
cult of the past in the quote that follows:
The cult of the past calls for illusion rather than authenticity. Ruins in the landscape garden,
fashionable for a time in the eighteenth century, made no pretense of being genuine. What
mattered was that they provided a mood of time-soaked melancholy (Yi-Fu Tuan, 1977).
Thus, that LOTR-driven tourists to New Zealand are well aware they are not in Middle-earth
may be irrelevant, as Holmes-driven tourists in London are aware that they are not in Holmes’
study, and as are most – though evidently not all – Anne of Green Gables inspired-tourists
that they are not in Green Gables on Avonlea. Following Tuan’s insight, one might argue that
?ction-inspired tourism is not primarily about authenticity. Rather, a place’s ability to evoke a
speci?c mood which aligns with and reinforces the emotional connection felt by a
story-driven and/or character-driven brand community is of prime importance. Thus,
authenticity may be considered but one feature among many in a narrativized tourist site. As
Woodside and others point out, ‘‘consumers prefer narrative forms of events related to a
destination visit rather than simply listings of features and bene?ts’’ (Woodside, 2005, p. 193,
see also Adaval and Wyer, 1998).
In the case of narratives widely known to be based on real people, places and events, the
rhetoric of authenticity often plays a signi?cant role – even when the representation is
stylized to the point of blatant unreality, as in a Hollywood musical. Consider The Sound of
Music. Of the 15 standard tours offered by Salzburg Panorama Tours, the ?rst listed is for the
Original Sound of Music. The use of the term ‘‘original’’ is ironic in that the tour revolves
around aspects of the 1965 Hollywood ?lmThe Sound of Music, which was adapted fromthe
1959 Broadway production, which was inspired by the 1956 German ?lm Die Trapp-Familie,
which was based on Maria von Trapp’s (1949) memoir, The Story of the Trapp Family Singers,
itself based on Maria’s remembrance of things past. The same tour-promoters list the Traces
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of Mozart Tour a distant seventh among their offerings, presumably because of Mozart’s
relatively weak touristic appeal to visitors of Salzburg. It is worth noting that Mozart disliked
and felt sti?ed by Salzburg in his late teens, and in his early twenties escaped to Vienna
where today Mozart-themed tourist attractions are promoted front and center.
Web copy for the basic Original Sound of Music tour reads:
Awonderful ride with breathtaking views of the landscape where the opening scenes were ?lmed.
Relax and listen to the original [current author’s emphasis] Sound of Music soundtrack. Our
English-speaking guide not only shows you the highlights of the ?lm Sound of Music but also the
historical and architectural landmarks in the city, as well as a part of the picturesque lake district.
The use of the term ‘‘original’’ in the tour-name – and in the copy describing elements of the
tour – points to a desire on the tour purveyors part to play up the authenticity of the offering.
And – acting as an authenticating agent – a quote on the web site attributed to Maria von
Trapp states:
The Sound of Music Tour arranged by Panorama Tours is something nobody should miss – I
never do!
Although the late Maria von Trapp is quoted, the web site photos, ?rst sentence of web copy,
and the point-of-sale advertising in Salzburg feature Julie Andrews – the reel Maria von
Trapp – rather than the real Maria. Thus, the tour promoters leverage and con?ate an
authentic character with a fairytale ?lm princess.
Grit and grind destinations: rawness and (hyper) reality
Far from the Salzburg whence Mozart escaped, classic hip-hop act Grandmaster Flash &
The Furious Five’s (1979/2005) track The Message by Sugar Hill session-musician Ed Duke
Bootee Fletcher and Furious Five MC, Melle Mel, opens with the following lyrics regarding
the state of the South Bronx circa 1982:
It’s like a jungle sometimes, it makes me wonder how I keep from going under (times 2)... Broken
glass everywhere, people pissing on the stairs, you know they just don’t care. I can’t take the
smell, can’t take the noise, got no money to move out, I guess I got no choice. Rats in the front
room, roaches in the back, junkies in the alley with a baseball bat. I tried to get away, but I couldn’t
get far ’cause the man with the tow-truck repossessed my car.
The lyrics continue to describe a gritty and dangerous place from which the hard-hitting and
resilient MCs claim they would like escape – hardly the portrait of a destination to which one
would expect international tourists to ?ock.
Yet, the very grittiness of a location, particularly one that spawns a cultural innovation such
as social-commentary hip-hop (or the black CNN as Chuck D has termed it) can draw
hardcore a?cionados of a movement. The point is illustrated by Grazian (2003), inspiring
further comments by Peterson (2005) regarding Chicago blues bars’ tourists:
Some ?nd authenticity in the large bright franchise blues clubs in the hotel district where they are
served stereotypical electric blues and barbeque. Those who view themselves as more
knowledgeable seek out smaller, dingier, North Side blues bars that simulate a local conviviality.
Finally those who want to avoid what they see as the inauthenticity of these two types of clubs
seek their authentic experience in the few clubs located in the South Side African American
ghetto that remain open. These clubs, sites of the 1950s blues clubs scene, were once bright and
well appointed, but the few that still remain are now very much run-down and feature desultory
music. Interestingly the few intrepid tourists who venture into this world take the dilapidated
conditions as marks of heightened authenticity (Peterson, 2005, p. 1088).
Thus – though counter-intuitive on ?rst consideration – tourismboards, visitors bureaus, and
other stakeholders responsible for loci that spawn deeply felt pop culture texts or traditions
should consider the extent to which rough-and-tumble sections of territory may be diamonds
in the rough from a tourism perspective. In terms of hip-hop, consider Hush Tours Inc. and
their most popular offering – [A] Hip Hop Tour Led by Pioneers from Harlem & The Bronx.
Web copy touting the tour encourages readers to:
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. . . take a hip hop look at New York, the birthplace of hip hop, with legendary emcees like
GrandMaster Caz (Cold Crush Brothers), Kurtis Blow, Rahiem (Furious Five) and Reggie Reg
(Crash Crew). This tour is made for hip hop enthusiasts of all ages and backgrounds, from all
locations around the world [current author’s emphasis]. Join your celebrity guides as they
entertain and educate you about the relevance of each location by providing you with exclusive
anecdotes about the historic clubs, [b-boy] battle sites, video locations and parks where hip hop
took its ?rst baby steps.
Jason Tanz, author of Other People’s Property: A Shadow History of Hip-Hop in White
America (2007) describes the company’s operation, its CEO Debra Harris, and his
experience taking the tour:
Every Saturday, Hush [Tours] offers a Legends of Hip-Hop Tour that guides its visitors through
Harlem and the South Bronx, pointing out signi?cant landmarks of hip-hop history... Debra Harris
– a Bronx native, hip-hop fan, and legal secretary – [created] Hush Tours in June 2002. So many
people were into rap music, she told me in a phone interview in 2005. I ?gured this would be a
good opportunity for them to ?nd out a little more about its beginnings. She estimated that 7,500
visitors had taken her tour in the three years since she founded her company, despite an almost
complete lack of advertising [present author’s emphasis]. I heard about the tour froma friend who
had taken it. On today’s tour we are 13 from Florida and California and Germany and Switzerland
and Japan (Tanz, 2007, pp. 22-23).
Thus, Hush Tours’ web site claim that the tour appeals to hip-hop fans ‘‘from all locations
around the world’’ seems justi?ed.
Tanz (2007, p. 29) also says ‘‘it turns out that, as in any guided tour, what appeared to be raw
and authentic was at least partly manufactured’’ and ‘‘another mission of Hush Tours: to
provide a salary and visibility for hip-hop’s originators, many of whom have faded into
poverty and obscurity while their descendents have gone on to dominate popular culture.
The pioneers are so underrepresented here, Debra Harris told me. I thought it was a good
idea to have them employed and doing something they love’’ (Tanz, 2007, p. 30). Though
Tanz does not make the case for such a perspective, the once-popular hip-hop artists Hush
Tours employs as tour guides are symbols of cultural innovation and authenticating agents
for the mythos they originated. For example, Raheim – a members of the group
Grandmaster Flash and the Furious Five – is a Hush Tours tour guide.
In a 2007 Tourism Management article – ‘‘Gazing the hood: hip-hop as tourism attraction’’ –
Phillip Xie sounds both cautionary and optimistic notes on the cultivation of hip hop-themed
tourism on a broader, international scale:
The marketing of Hip-Hop destinations entails standardization and cooperation in the search for a
wider market. Places like the South Bronx and 8 Mile could quickly become overrun with tourists if
the conventions and visitors bureaus in key metropolitan areas make a concerted effort to exploit
what is now in the rudimentary stages. There is a constant tension between authenticity,
commodi?cation and creativity at every Hip-Hop destination... Hip-Hop could be an asset, of
which the potentials have yet to be realized, for tourism marketing and management. Musical
markets were once local but are now increasingly global. Hip-Hop tourism becomes an integral
part of the world music industry which is consumed in many ways in many places (Xie et al., 2007,
p. 458).
Based on real-life characters and set in and around mid-1970s Venice Beach, Lords of
Dogtown (2005) is a fairly historically accurate ?lm about the evolution of skateboarding into
an extreme sport practiced by a fresh urban-surfer sub-archetype. The ?lm narrative blends
early regional – and even international – extreme-sports con?icts with authentic local ?avor
as in an early scene in the Jeff Ho and Zephyr Surfboard Shop. The scene opens with Skip
Engblom nursing a vodka and papaya juice and declaring, ‘‘it’s these Australian cats who
are ruining sur?ng. They think it’s a sport like cricket.’’ In the description which opens the
scene, screenwriter Stacy Peralta details that in one corner of the surf shop is ‘‘a stacked
pyramid of Red Mountain wine bottles’’ (Peralta, 2003, p. 12). Thus, in a reversal of the
typical product placement meaning-transfer ?ow from character to brand, the inexpensive
and now defunct Red Mountain label serves as an authenticating device to ef?ciently set up
the characters in the scene – a speci?c authentic brand which a speci?c authentic
personality archetype consumes in a certain time and place.
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Peralta wrote the Lords of Dogtown screenplay shortly after he directed Dogtown and
Z-Boys (Peralta, 2001), a feature-length documentary which traces the same real-life
characters and story. The documentary was sponsored and co-produced by Vans footwear
and the brand is prominently featured in both ?lms – a rare instance of authentic/organic
product placement in that Vans were the sneaker of choice of the real-life characters. Craig
Stecyk provides ample evidence of this in his series of mid-1970s photo-essays in
Skateboarder Magazine. Gilmore and Pine give Vans extremely high marks as a brand that
understands how to leverage place in both physical and digital realms:
Vans exempli?es what Peter Chernack, head of Metavision Corporation in Sun Valley, California,
advocates as one way of integrating the virtual with the physical: using the Web as a pre-showfor
the live experience. The term (pre-show), borrowed from Disney’s use of its queuing areas to set
up the back-story of its rides, means creating anticipation for the experience ahead (Gilmore and
Pine, 2007, pp. 162-163).
Gilmore and Pine’s comparison of Vans to Disney is richly ironic in the current context in that
the Z-Boys skateboarders – the teens sponsored by the Zephyr Surfboard Shop mentioned
above – skated in Paci?c Ocean Park, a defunct amusement park area that once competed
with Disneyland. The park did excellent business fromthe late 1950s through the mid-1960s,
but was shut down in 1967 under new zoning laws. In the mid-1970s, the area was drug and
gang infested. The decrepit park’s pier was a favorite surf spot and hangout of elder Z-Boys,
while younger Z-Boys developed a new sport by skateboarding in surfer style – a skill made
possible by polyurethane wheels, improved trucks, and empty swimming pools. Thus, the
once Disneyland-esque Paci?c Ocean Park became a gritty area avoided by tourists but
ideal for Z-Boys to evolve their newextreme sport. Then – in a second reversal of value – via
the Z-Boys, surfer-style-skateboarding evolved into a globally practiced extreme sport
around which Vans built a worldwide brand by deploying a Disney-esque strategy which
synergizes Vans’ online and real-world Z-Boy themed skateparks. Baudrillard may thus be
correct to theorize that:
Disneyland is presented as imaginary in order to make us believe that the rest is real, when in fact
all of Los Angeles and the America surrounding it are no longer real, but of the order of the
hyperreal and of simulation (Baudrillard, 1995).
Closing remarks
Although the differences in job-description between a green Southern California ranch-hand
and a seasoned West Texas cowboy may be more or less analogous to the differences
between a cattle-station jackeroo and an Outback ringer, the distinct locales and job titles
themselves connote speci?c types of cattle and topography – terroir even. Likewise they
offer distinct, authentic, virtually organic character types and subcultures. An authenticated
place can be thought of as a meaning-charged territory that peoples of a perceived in-group
deemto have passed muster for them – and a territory that continues to be culturally policed
on some level. Authenticated-places and fabricated-spaces are both themed by human
agents who act on the location. The fundamental distinction is that the former grows – or is
designed – fromthe bottomup via local participants, versus the latter which is fabricated by
what one might call outside atmospherics-engineers.
Like the cypher – the circle where b-boys compete in dance battle – authenticated places
are charged with forms of negotiation and contestation, whereas fabricated-spaces offer no
challenge to those who posses a credit card and accompanying photo ID. Recall the old saw
about the American tourist who gripes about their experience with a snarky garc¸ on at some
rundown Parisian cafe´ – especially the garc¸ on who refuses to speak English even though he
can. This selfsame proverbial ugly American (and in all fairness the ugly American is in fact
an a-national archetype) has no such gripe regarding his or her Starbucks’ barista – even
those baristas who work in Paris. This notion provides some indication as to which of the two
loci is an authenticated place and which is a fabricated one. To riff – if not rip – off Holt’s ?nal
sentence in What Becomes an Icon Most? (2003), one might say that ‘‘to create powerful
tourist destinations, managers must get close to culture – and that means looking far
beyond tourists as they are known today.’’
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Journal of Consumer Research, Vol. 31 No. 4, pp. 868-82.
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26 February, p. G9.
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Corresponding author
Linden Dalecki can be contacted at: [email protected]
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doc_406561502.pdf
The paper explores authentic places, personalities and products from a range of academic
and professional frames
International Journal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research
Globally marketing authenticated places
Linden Dalecki
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Globally marketing authenticated places
Linden Dalecki
Abstract
Purpose – The paper explores authentic places, personalities and products from a range of academic
and professional frames.
Design/methodology/approach – Authentic pop culture texts and tourist sites – and their associated
web sites – are analyzed via three perspectives: Gilmore and Pine’s notion of authentic placemaking,
Peterson’s notion of socially constructed and determined authenticity, and Holt’s notion of the authentic
slacker-rebel archetype.
Findings – Perceived authenticity plays an important role in driving the consumption of certain types of
pop culture and associated touristic sites.
Originality/value – The article explores three major perspectives related to authenticity which have not
been discussed together previously and is of value to marketing academics as well as stewards of
authentic sites.
Keywords Tourism, Marketing strategy, Narratives
Paper type Conceptual paper
Iconic places, personalities, and products
Early in a chapter titled ‘‘Frommarketing to placemaking’’ from their book Authenticity: What
Consumers Really Want, authors Gilmore and Pine (2007, p. 148) sound more like
time-transported Holden Caul?elds –narrator of the novel The Cather in the Rye – than the
marketing gurus they are. They state:
Gap’s advertising says Unique, but the in-store experience falls far short of what it says it is. That
is the fundamental problem with advertising: it’s a phoniness-generating machine (Gilmore and
Pine, 2007, p 148).
They argue:
The aim of placemaking is to make advertising super?uous. Get rid of all those manipulative
messages that work decreasingly well and all too often say what you aren’t. Instead, provide a
place for your customers to understand, use, play with, and fundamentally experience your
offerings in a place and time that demonstrates you are what you say you are.
Douglas Holt (2003, 2004) takes an opposing tack and makes the case that brand managers
can effectively deploy advertising to build and deconstruct/reconstruct iconic brands with
authenticity-obsessed consumers by speaking with a rebel’s voice. Regarding Mountain
Dew’s successful transition from a once-relevant so-called hillbilly soda into a freshly
relevant extreme-sports slacker soda, he says:
Icons don’t seek to mirror the thoughts and emotions of their customers. They speak as rebels. To
assemble a credible populist challenge to the national ideology, iconic brands draw on people
who actually live according to alternative ideals. And icons don’t simply borrow the trappings of
rebel lifestyles, mimicking their clothing or language. Rather, they understand the rebel’s point of
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VOL. 5 NO. 1 2011, pp. 38-46, Q Emerald Group Publishing Limited, ISSN 1750-6182 DOI 10.1108/17506181111111744
Linden Dalecki is based in
the Department of
Management and
Marketing, Kelce College of
Business, Pittsburg State
University, Pittsburg,
Kansas, USA.
Received: August 2009
Revised: October 2009
Accepted: January 2010
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view so well that they can speak with the rebel’s voice. Mountain Dew didn’t simply offer up
extreme sports or retro clothing. Instead, by creatively mixing and matching slacker elements, the
campaign evoked the slacker zeitgeist (Holt, 2003, pp. 48-49).
Holt singles out Austin-based ?lmmaker Richard Linklater’s documentary-esque narrative
indie ?lmSlacker (1991) as a premiere audio-visual representation of the full-on slacker type:
a young adult ‘‘who would rather pursue quixotic activities than grow up and get serious
about a career.’’ Linklater’s Slacker may offer the most quintessential audio-visual portfolio of
slacker characters, but Breaking Away – directed by Peter Yates (1979) fromthe screenplay
by Steve Tesich – offers an earlier version of the character type. And – unlike the round of
characters presented in Slacker – the four young male buddies in Breaking Away engage in
risky Dew-Guys-eqsue athletic pursuits while avoiding work at the A&P and other such
McJobs (seven years before Amitai Etzioni coined the term McJob in his August 24, 1986
Washington Post article The Fast-Food Factories: McJobs are Bad for Kids). The American
slacker character-archetype emerges as an important component of the Beat movement at
least as early as former-footballer Jack Kerouac’s (2007, 2008) roman a` clef On the Road,
which depicts events from the late 1940s, written in three weeks in April 1951 and published
in September 1957. As the 1960s counterculture grew and crystallized around Timothy
Leary’s ‘‘turn on, tune in, drop out’’ ethic, a new type of slacker arrived on the scene en force
and en mass. As early as the 1750s, British social commentator Samuel Johnson discusses
the idler personality – see in particular Sarah Jordan’s account of Samuel Johnson’s take on
the character type in ‘‘Samuel Johnson and Idleness’’ in The Age of Johnson: A Scholarly
Annual, Volume 11 (Jordan, 2000, pp. 145-176).
Holt emphasizes iconic brands as resolving national tensions but does not discuss the
important role that regional differences can play in the generation of local patois and brand
communities. Texas-based b-boys – called break-dancers by the mainstream media – are
practitioners of extreme sport, though not in the slacker-esque sense associated with the
corporate-driven Mountain Dew campaign that Holt describes. However, in a sure sign that
Mountain Dew is relevant to this young-rebel crowd in the Austin/Houston area, in 2004 the
brand spawned an underground hip-hop mix tape from Austin’s DJ Rapid Ric titled Whut It
Dew? and an assortment of associated logoed merch – such as t-shirts – popular with Texas
hip-hop DJs, MCs, b-boys, graf?ti artists and fans. The Whut It Dew? logo has the same
colors, font, and style as the Mountain Dew logo and although the t-shirt may draw a
confused look if worn outside the Texas hip-hop community, ‘‘What it do?’’ is how one asks
‘‘What’s up? How are you?’’ in the region’s hip-hop subculture. Thus, the consumer-producer
appropriated logo offers a simultaneous nod to the general perceived coolness of Mountain
Dew in the hip-hop-nation as well as a more or less exclusively Texas-hip-hop-insider
greeting.
The ?rst Whut It Dew? mix tape was so successful it spawned an even more popular sequel
in 2005: ‘‘Austin’s DJ Rapid Ric is building a lengthy lead out in front of the premiere
purveyors of impeccably blended mix discs. His latest effort, Whut It Dew 2, is hosted by
Texas hip-hop legend Bun B of UGK and features a litany of exclusives from a Texas rap
scene so absolutely scorching that reporters from MTV and The New York Times have been
leaning far, far back in a southwestern direction to absorb the heat. Drawing from a pool of
artists that includes Slim Thug, Paul Wall, Mike Jones, Chamillionaire, Z-Ro, and Austin
favorite Bavu Blakes, Ric’s forte is mixing seemingly divergent individuals into a cohesive
team working toward a common goal. As resident mixer on (Austin’s) KDHT Hot 93.3, Ric
recognizes his position as an in?uential opinion leader’’ (Gabriel, 2005).
Subcultural and regional opinion-leadership as well as the distinction between bottom-up
self-generated content/culture versus corporate-created content/culture – advertising or
otherwise – are important in determining what consumers perceive as authentic versus what
is considered fabricated. Some consumer culture theorists (see Jones and Smith, 2005)
have embrace the idea that ‘‘authenticity is socially constructed rather than an attribute of
that which is called authentic’’ (Peterson, 2005) and claim that all authenticity is fabricated.
But even Peterson seems to acknowledge that authenticity is an attribute of that which is
labeled authentic when he contrasts the false claim to authenticity behind the
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corporate-constructed boy’s band ’N SYNC with the Beatles, who self-selected their
band-mates and wrote their own songs (Peterson, 2005, p. 1085). Peterson (2005, p. 1094)
notes that, ‘‘Authenticity is a moving target, and the content of the authentic, like fashion, is
continually evolving’’, thus implying that on some level he acknowledges content deemed
authentic differs from content deemed in-authentic. That even if the target is socially
constructed and a moving one, the target exists. As with DJ Rapid Ric, subcultural and
regional opinion leaders go a long way in pointing out precisely where that target is vis-a` -vis
consumers within a subculture or region. In any case, putting forth the notion that
‘‘authenticity is socially constructed and determined’’ is akin to stating that ‘‘political power it
socially constructed and determined,’’ which does nothing to diminish the actuality and
impact of political power.
Peterson illustrates that a region – rather than an entire nation – can play a role in generating
meaning at the brand steward level. He provides the early historical example of chaˆ teau
grand crus Bordeaux wines, whose purveyors position their wines as being organically
superior to – and more exclusive than – wines of other regions (Peterson, 2005). In the USA
one may consider the example of un?ltered Kentucky bourbons versus maple-charcoal
?ltered Tennessee bourbons. Some bourbon a?cionados are even particular about precisely
where in Kentucky, Tennessee, or elsewhere their corn – and supplemental bourbon grains
– is grown. The web site for Kentucky-based Maker’s Mark provides links to Japanese and
Chinese language portals of their members-only Ambassador consumer program as well as
to a timeline link with the following copy:
1951: Bill Samuels, Sr developed a new recipe based on locally grown maize (corn) and malted
barley coupled with gentle winter wheat – not the traditional and harsher grain, rye. Funny
enough, he did this without a distillery. He baked bread in the family kitchen, experimenting with
different grains to come to this conclusion. 1952: Marge Samuels (wife of Bill, Sr), designed the
bottle and named the whisky. As a ?ne pewter collector, she had always searched for the mark of
the maker. She was also a collector of bottles of cognac, many of which were sealed in colorful
wax. It was these two things that lent themselves to the Maker’s Mark packaging still used today.
The guided tour at the Maker’s Mark distillery in Loretto, Kentucky emphasizes the same
elements as the web site and does so with a similar set of country-?ed domestic tropes to
project its innovative world-wide brand on one hand while repeatedly injecting anecdotes to
authenticate that the brand is a down-home family operation on the other. The tour opens in
the old living room of the husband-wife founders and proceeds to the kitchen where iced
pink-lemonade rests on the kitchen table not far from red winter wheat displayed on the
kitchen counter in down-home glass containers. Thus, in McCracken-esque
meaning-transfer fashion a once unlawful product is infused with a domestic – even
somewhat organic – origin story. What two generations ago was an illegal and backwoods
product in America has endured long enough to become an internationally respected brand.
Fictional places as authentic tourist destinations
Citing an article titled ‘‘Middle-earth meets New Zealand: authenticity and location in the
making of The Lord of the Rings’’ (Jones and Smith, 2005), Peterson states:
If tourism promoters can reimagine the historical past of a country, they have also tried to
reimagine the locus of popular mythical worlds... the New Zealand government and other tourism
interests have taken advantage of the fact that the ?lm epic, The Lord of the Rings, was ?lmed in
New Zealand to turn into tourist destinations the beautifully rugged places where the various
important scenes of the mythic story were ?lmed.
Peterson cites another case in point provided by Grayson and Martinec (2004) in ‘‘their
study on tourists’ evaluations of the authenticity of the Baker Street ?at of the mythical
detective, Sherlock Holmes.’’
One Holmes tour’s web site proclaims:
[. . .] [in] The Sherlock Holmes Tour [you] travel into the world of Arthur Conan Doyle with Sherlock
Holmes and Dr Watson. This tour takes you down Baker Street to Sherlock Holmes’ real address
[current author’s emphasis] at 221B Baker Street opposite the Empty House. See where Dr
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Watson lived, see Dr Agers house and where Professor Moriarty attacked Holmes. The tour then
goes Down Regent Street to Piccadilly to the Criterion Restaurant and the site of the Cafe Royal
?nishing off back at the Sherlock Holmes Memorabilia Shop (London Horror Tours, 2009).
Thus, the tour purveyor underlines the authenticity and realness of the experience, and
primes potential tourists for both the tour itself and the souvenir shopping experience which
follows.
Anne of Green Gables by Lucy Maud Montgomery offers another example of a serialized set
of ?ction which drives signi?cant international tourism, particularly Japanese and Americans
tourists to Prince Edward Island, Canada. A newspaper article titled ‘‘Anne of Green Gables
Still Rules Prince Edward Island’’ notes:
It has been 100 years since PEI native Montgomery wrote Anne of Green Gables, the ?rst of eight
books starring a spirited red-pigtailed orphan growing up here in the late 1800s. The book was a
hit from the get-go, selling 19,000 copies within ?ve months of its 1908 publication. It has since
been translated into 36 languages and sold 50 million copies (Clark, 2008).
Underscoring the series’ importance in driving tourism and the concomitant marketing of
Anne of Green Gables dolls and other items (see Woodside, 2005, pp. 206-234), Clark
states that:
Anne Shirley, heroine of the Anne of Green Gables stories, which begat movies, which begat a
thriving tourism industry, which begat a marketing bonanza on this small island of 138,000, lives
and breathes in the hearts and minds of many a visitor.
And to illustrate just howreal the ?ctional Anne Shirley is to many tourists, Clark gives several
examples, including the following eyewitness account:
Wayne Bernard, [a] PEI native, recalls comforting a [tourist] woman in her 60s who was crying,
just devastated to learn that Anne didn’t exist (Clark, 2008).
Of course The Lord of the Rings novel was written by a Brit and set in a fantasy world,
whereas Sherlock Holmes and Ann of Green Gables were set in more-or-less real locales. Yet
in all three cases the question arises, how can patently unreal characters and their stories
attract tourists to real places? Yi-Fu Tuan – an early theorist of the place/space/experience
intersection – provides a partial answer if one substitutes story-driven brand community with
cult of the past in the quote that follows:
The cult of the past calls for illusion rather than authenticity. Ruins in the landscape garden,
fashionable for a time in the eighteenth century, made no pretense of being genuine. What
mattered was that they provided a mood of time-soaked melancholy (Yi-Fu Tuan, 1977).
Thus, that LOTR-driven tourists to New Zealand are well aware they are not in Middle-earth
may be irrelevant, as Holmes-driven tourists in London are aware that they are not in Holmes’
study, and as are most – though evidently not all – Anne of Green Gables inspired-tourists
that they are not in Green Gables on Avonlea. Following Tuan’s insight, one might argue that
?ction-inspired tourism is not primarily about authenticity. Rather, a place’s ability to evoke a
speci?c mood which aligns with and reinforces the emotional connection felt by a
story-driven and/or character-driven brand community is of prime importance. Thus,
authenticity may be considered but one feature among many in a narrativized tourist site. As
Woodside and others point out, ‘‘consumers prefer narrative forms of events related to a
destination visit rather than simply listings of features and bene?ts’’ (Woodside, 2005, p. 193,
see also Adaval and Wyer, 1998).
In the case of narratives widely known to be based on real people, places and events, the
rhetoric of authenticity often plays a signi?cant role – even when the representation is
stylized to the point of blatant unreality, as in a Hollywood musical. Consider The Sound of
Music. Of the 15 standard tours offered by Salzburg Panorama Tours, the ?rst listed is for the
Original Sound of Music. The use of the term ‘‘original’’ is ironic in that the tour revolves
around aspects of the 1965 Hollywood ?lmThe Sound of Music, which was adapted fromthe
1959 Broadway production, which was inspired by the 1956 German ?lm Die Trapp-Familie,
which was based on Maria von Trapp’s (1949) memoir, The Story of the Trapp Family Singers,
itself based on Maria’s remembrance of things past. The same tour-promoters list the Traces
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of Mozart Tour a distant seventh among their offerings, presumably because of Mozart’s
relatively weak touristic appeal to visitors of Salzburg. It is worth noting that Mozart disliked
and felt sti?ed by Salzburg in his late teens, and in his early twenties escaped to Vienna
where today Mozart-themed tourist attractions are promoted front and center.
Web copy for the basic Original Sound of Music tour reads:
Awonderful ride with breathtaking views of the landscape where the opening scenes were ?lmed.
Relax and listen to the original [current author’s emphasis] Sound of Music soundtrack. Our
English-speaking guide not only shows you the highlights of the ?lm Sound of Music but also the
historical and architectural landmarks in the city, as well as a part of the picturesque lake district.
The use of the term ‘‘original’’ in the tour-name – and in the copy describing elements of the
tour – points to a desire on the tour purveyors part to play up the authenticity of the offering.
And – acting as an authenticating agent – a quote on the web site attributed to Maria von
Trapp states:
The Sound of Music Tour arranged by Panorama Tours is something nobody should miss – I
never do!
Although the late Maria von Trapp is quoted, the web site photos, ?rst sentence of web copy,
and the point-of-sale advertising in Salzburg feature Julie Andrews – the reel Maria von
Trapp – rather than the real Maria. Thus, the tour promoters leverage and con?ate an
authentic character with a fairytale ?lm princess.
Grit and grind destinations: rawness and (hyper) reality
Far from the Salzburg whence Mozart escaped, classic hip-hop act Grandmaster Flash &
The Furious Five’s (1979/2005) track The Message by Sugar Hill session-musician Ed Duke
Bootee Fletcher and Furious Five MC, Melle Mel, opens with the following lyrics regarding
the state of the South Bronx circa 1982:
It’s like a jungle sometimes, it makes me wonder how I keep from going under (times 2)... Broken
glass everywhere, people pissing on the stairs, you know they just don’t care. I can’t take the
smell, can’t take the noise, got no money to move out, I guess I got no choice. Rats in the front
room, roaches in the back, junkies in the alley with a baseball bat. I tried to get away, but I couldn’t
get far ’cause the man with the tow-truck repossessed my car.
The lyrics continue to describe a gritty and dangerous place from which the hard-hitting and
resilient MCs claim they would like escape – hardly the portrait of a destination to which one
would expect international tourists to ?ock.
Yet, the very grittiness of a location, particularly one that spawns a cultural innovation such
as social-commentary hip-hop (or the black CNN as Chuck D has termed it) can draw
hardcore a?cionados of a movement. The point is illustrated by Grazian (2003), inspiring
further comments by Peterson (2005) regarding Chicago blues bars’ tourists:
Some ?nd authenticity in the large bright franchise blues clubs in the hotel district where they are
served stereotypical electric blues and barbeque. Those who view themselves as more
knowledgeable seek out smaller, dingier, North Side blues bars that simulate a local conviviality.
Finally those who want to avoid what they see as the inauthenticity of these two types of clubs
seek their authentic experience in the few clubs located in the South Side African American
ghetto that remain open. These clubs, sites of the 1950s blues clubs scene, were once bright and
well appointed, but the few that still remain are now very much run-down and feature desultory
music. Interestingly the few intrepid tourists who venture into this world take the dilapidated
conditions as marks of heightened authenticity (Peterson, 2005, p. 1088).
Thus – though counter-intuitive on ?rst consideration – tourismboards, visitors bureaus, and
other stakeholders responsible for loci that spawn deeply felt pop culture texts or traditions
should consider the extent to which rough-and-tumble sections of territory may be diamonds
in the rough from a tourism perspective. In terms of hip-hop, consider Hush Tours Inc. and
their most popular offering – [A] Hip Hop Tour Led by Pioneers from Harlem & The Bronx.
Web copy touting the tour encourages readers to:
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. . . take a hip hop look at New York, the birthplace of hip hop, with legendary emcees like
GrandMaster Caz (Cold Crush Brothers), Kurtis Blow, Rahiem (Furious Five) and Reggie Reg
(Crash Crew). This tour is made for hip hop enthusiasts of all ages and backgrounds, from all
locations around the world [current author’s emphasis]. Join your celebrity guides as they
entertain and educate you about the relevance of each location by providing you with exclusive
anecdotes about the historic clubs, [b-boy] battle sites, video locations and parks where hip hop
took its ?rst baby steps.
Jason Tanz, author of Other People’s Property: A Shadow History of Hip-Hop in White
America (2007) describes the company’s operation, its CEO Debra Harris, and his
experience taking the tour:
Every Saturday, Hush [Tours] offers a Legends of Hip-Hop Tour that guides its visitors through
Harlem and the South Bronx, pointing out signi?cant landmarks of hip-hop history... Debra Harris
– a Bronx native, hip-hop fan, and legal secretary – [created] Hush Tours in June 2002. So many
people were into rap music, she told me in a phone interview in 2005. I ?gured this would be a
good opportunity for them to ?nd out a little more about its beginnings. She estimated that 7,500
visitors had taken her tour in the three years since she founded her company, despite an almost
complete lack of advertising [present author’s emphasis]. I heard about the tour froma friend who
had taken it. On today’s tour we are 13 from Florida and California and Germany and Switzerland
and Japan (Tanz, 2007, pp. 22-23).
Thus, Hush Tours’ web site claim that the tour appeals to hip-hop fans ‘‘from all locations
around the world’’ seems justi?ed.
Tanz (2007, p. 29) also says ‘‘it turns out that, as in any guided tour, what appeared to be raw
and authentic was at least partly manufactured’’ and ‘‘another mission of Hush Tours: to
provide a salary and visibility for hip-hop’s originators, many of whom have faded into
poverty and obscurity while their descendents have gone on to dominate popular culture.
The pioneers are so underrepresented here, Debra Harris told me. I thought it was a good
idea to have them employed and doing something they love’’ (Tanz, 2007, p. 30). Though
Tanz does not make the case for such a perspective, the once-popular hip-hop artists Hush
Tours employs as tour guides are symbols of cultural innovation and authenticating agents
for the mythos they originated. For example, Raheim – a members of the group
Grandmaster Flash and the Furious Five – is a Hush Tours tour guide.
In a 2007 Tourism Management article – ‘‘Gazing the hood: hip-hop as tourism attraction’’ –
Phillip Xie sounds both cautionary and optimistic notes on the cultivation of hip hop-themed
tourism on a broader, international scale:
The marketing of Hip-Hop destinations entails standardization and cooperation in the search for a
wider market. Places like the South Bronx and 8 Mile could quickly become overrun with tourists if
the conventions and visitors bureaus in key metropolitan areas make a concerted effort to exploit
what is now in the rudimentary stages. There is a constant tension between authenticity,
commodi?cation and creativity at every Hip-Hop destination... Hip-Hop could be an asset, of
which the potentials have yet to be realized, for tourism marketing and management. Musical
markets were once local but are now increasingly global. Hip-Hop tourism becomes an integral
part of the world music industry which is consumed in many ways in many places (Xie et al., 2007,
p. 458).
Based on real-life characters and set in and around mid-1970s Venice Beach, Lords of
Dogtown (2005) is a fairly historically accurate ?lm about the evolution of skateboarding into
an extreme sport practiced by a fresh urban-surfer sub-archetype. The ?lm narrative blends
early regional – and even international – extreme-sports con?icts with authentic local ?avor
as in an early scene in the Jeff Ho and Zephyr Surfboard Shop. The scene opens with Skip
Engblom nursing a vodka and papaya juice and declaring, ‘‘it’s these Australian cats who
are ruining sur?ng. They think it’s a sport like cricket.’’ In the description which opens the
scene, screenwriter Stacy Peralta details that in one corner of the surf shop is ‘‘a stacked
pyramid of Red Mountain wine bottles’’ (Peralta, 2003, p. 12). Thus, in a reversal of the
typical product placement meaning-transfer ?ow from character to brand, the inexpensive
and now defunct Red Mountain label serves as an authenticating device to ef?ciently set up
the characters in the scene – a speci?c authentic brand which a speci?c authentic
personality archetype consumes in a certain time and place.
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Peralta wrote the Lords of Dogtown screenplay shortly after he directed Dogtown and
Z-Boys (Peralta, 2001), a feature-length documentary which traces the same real-life
characters and story. The documentary was sponsored and co-produced by Vans footwear
and the brand is prominently featured in both ?lms – a rare instance of authentic/organic
product placement in that Vans were the sneaker of choice of the real-life characters. Craig
Stecyk provides ample evidence of this in his series of mid-1970s photo-essays in
Skateboarder Magazine. Gilmore and Pine give Vans extremely high marks as a brand that
understands how to leverage place in both physical and digital realms:
Vans exempli?es what Peter Chernack, head of Metavision Corporation in Sun Valley, California,
advocates as one way of integrating the virtual with the physical: using the Web as a pre-showfor
the live experience. The term (pre-show), borrowed from Disney’s use of its queuing areas to set
up the back-story of its rides, means creating anticipation for the experience ahead (Gilmore and
Pine, 2007, pp. 162-163).
Gilmore and Pine’s comparison of Vans to Disney is richly ironic in the current context in that
the Z-Boys skateboarders – the teens sponsored by the Zephyr Surfboard Shop mentioned
above – skated in Paci?c Ocean Park, a defunct amusement park area that once competed
with Disneyland. The park did excellent business fromthe late 1950s through the mid-1960s,
but was shut down in 1967 under new zoning laws. In the mid-1970s, the area was drug and
gang infested. The decrepit park’s pier was a favorite surf spot and hangout of elder Z-Boys,
while younger Z-Boys developed a new sport by skateboarding in surfer style – a skill made
possible by polyurethane wheels, improved trucks, and empty swimming pools. Thus, the
once Disneyland-esque Paci?c Ocean Park became a gritty area avoided by tourists but
ideal for Z-Boys to evolve their newextreme sport. Then – in a second reversal of value – via
the Z-Boys, surfer-style-skateboarding evolved into a globally practiced extreme sport
around which Vans built a worldwide brand by deploying a Disney-esque strategy which
synergizes Vans’ online and real-world Z-Boy themed skateparks. Baudrillard may thus be
correct to theorize that:
Disneyland is presented as imaginary in order to make us believe that the rest is real, when in fact
all of Los Angeles and the America surrounding it are no longer real, but of the order of the
hyperreal and of simulation (Baudrillard, 1995).
Closing remarks
Although the differences in job-description between a green Southern California ranch-hand
and a seasoned West Texas cowboy may be more or less analogous to the differences
between a cattle-station jackeroo and an Outback ringer, the distinct locales and job titles
themselves connote speci?c types of cattle and topography – terroir even. Likewise they
offer distinct, authentic, virtually organic character types and subcultures. An authenticated
place can be thought of as a meaning-charged territory that peoples of a perceived in-group
deemto have passed muster for them – and a territory that continues to be culturally policed
on some level. Authenticated-places and fabricated-spaces are both themed by human
agents who act on the location. The fundamental distinction is that the former grows – or is
designed – fromthe bottomup via local participants, versus the latter which is fabricated by
what one might call outside atmospherics-engineers.
Like the cypher – the circle where b-boys compete in dance battle – authenticated places
are charged with forms of negotiation and contestation, whereas fabricated-spaces offer no
challenge to those who posses a credit card and accompanying photo ID. Recall the old saw
about the American tourist who gripes about their experience with a snarky garc¸ on at some
rundown Parisian cafe´ – especially the garc¸ on who refuses to speak English even though he
can. This selfsame proverbial ugly American (and in all fairness the ugly American is in fact
an a-national archetype) has no such gripe regarding his or her Starbucks’ barista – even
those baristas who work in Paris. This notion provides some indication as to which of the two
loci is an authenticated place and which is a fabricated one. To riff – if not rip – off Holt’s ?nal
sentence in What Becomes an Icon Most? (2003), one might say that ‘‘to create powerful
tourist destinations, managers must get close to culture – and that means looking far
beyond tourists as they are known today.’’
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Corresponding author
Linden Dalecki can be contacted at: [email protected]
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