Description
The purpose of this paper is to advance the conceptualisation of dark tourism by evaluating
both the supply-side drivers for dark tourism development and the demand-side motivations for visiting
two dark heritage sites in Cyprus
International Journal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research
Dark tourism revisited: a supply/demand conceptualisation
Anna Farmaki
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Anna Farmaki, (2013),"Dark tourism revisited: a supply/demand conceptualisation", International J ournal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality
Research, Vol. 7 Iss 3 pp. 281 - 292
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Avital Biran, Kenneth F. Hyde, (2013),"New perspectives on dark tourism", International J ournal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality
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Dark tourism revisited: a supply/demand
conceptualisation
Anna Farmaki
Abstract
Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to advance the conceptualisation of dark tourism by evaluating
both the supply-side drivers for dark tourism development and the demand-side motivations for visiting
two dark heritage sites in Cyprus.
Design/methodology/approach – An exploratory research approach was adopted whereby 12
semi-structured interviews were conducted with supply-side stakeholders and two focus groups were
conducted with local and foreign visitors.
Findings – Production and consumption of dark tourism is continuous and interrelated as demand
appears to be supply-driven and attraction-based. Tourist interpretations of dark tourism are in?uenced
by tourists’ personal factors, the passage of ‘‘time’’ and the way the dark site is projected by the
supply-side. A re?ned marketing segmentation strategy is proposed taking into consideration the
purpose of visit, the relevance of the dark heritage site to the tourist and the depth of the dark element.
Originality/value – The study’s focus is narrow but the ?ndings provide theoretical and practical
insights into the conceptualisation dark tourism by considering supply and demand aspects and the
related in?uencing factors. In doing so understanding of the phenomenon is enhanced.
Keywords Cyprus, Tourism, Tourism development, Dark tourism, Thanatourism, Tourist motivations
Paper type Research paper
1. Introduction
Lennon and Foley (1996) ?rst used the term ‘‘dark tourism’’ in the mid-1990s to describe
death-related tourism activity. Also labelled ‘‘thanatourism’’ (Seaton, 1996), ‘‘morbid
tourism’’ (Blom, 2000), ‘‘grief tourism’’, ‘‘disaster tourism’’, ‘‘black spot tourism’’ (Rojek,
1993) and ‘‘phoenix tourism’’, dark tourism refers to visitation to sites associated with death,
suffering and tragedy. In recent years, dark tourism has attracted increasing academic
interest and has become a popular area of research. Despite the recent attention paid to
dark tourism, it is not a new phenomenon. Travelling to and experiencing places associated
with death is an act that has been undertaken by tourists since the eleventh century (Dale
and Robinson, 2011). According to Seaton (1996) dark tourism dates back to the Middle
Ages, yet its popularity intensi?ed in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries with
visits to sites like the battle?eld of Waterloo (Seaton, 1999). Stone (2005) sees that dark
tourism as an old concept in a new world. Roman gladiatorial games, pilgrimage to the Holy
Land to see the site of Christ’s cruci?xion and medieval public executions have been
identi?ed as the ?rst death-related types of tourism (Stone and Sharpley, 2008). Similarly,
visits to battle?elds, cemeteries, mausoleums, museums, former homes of deceased
celebrities and mass death sites also represent dark tourism. Indeed, sites associated with
war, disaster, death and atrocities have long fascinated people (Stone and Sharpley, 2008;
Logan and Reeves, 2009; Cohen, 2011). In particular, Smith (1998, p. 205) suggests that
‘‘sites associated with war probably constitute the largest single category of tourist
attractions in the world’’. Dark tourism has become a widespread phenomenon that attracts
DOI 10.1108/IJCTHR-05-2012-0030 VOL. 7 NO. 3 2013, pp. 281-292, Q Emerald Group Publishing Limited, ISSN 1750-6182
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PAGE 281
Anna Farmaki is based at
the School of International
Business and
Management, University of
Central Lancashire Cyprus,
Larnaka, Cyprus.
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an increasing number of travellers worldwide. Approximately 1.2 million people visited the
Holocaust site of Auschwitz-Birkenau in 2007 and 3.5 million visited the Ground Zero site in
New York, making it one of the city’s top tourist attractions (Kang et al., 2012).
Despite the increasing popularity of dark tourism over the last century, understanding of the
phenomenon remains limited (Biran et al., 2011) and attempts to de?ne the term fail to
address the complexity of dark tourism. Speci?cally, Niemela (2010) views that dark tourism
as a multi-layered mixture of history and heritage, tourism and tragedy. According to Stone
(2005) the supply of dark attractions depends on factors such as the attempt to achieve a
mercantile advantage or to manipulate a dark heritage site for political reasons. Thus, the
multi-faceted interpretations of dark tourism, and the differing elements the concept
encompasses, make it a dif?cult concept to pin down. It can be argued that the different
interpretations attached to dark tourism are the consequence of a diverse pool of motives,
which drive visitation, as well as socio-cultural factors that in?uence tourist expectations and
behaviour. Taillon (n.d.) argues that much of the debate on dark tourism is based on
semantics and terminology, yet little attention has been given to the relationship between the
various terminologies and tourist motivations. It is therefore pivotal that the conceptualisation
of dark tourism incorporates understanding of the reasons advocating its development, the
motivators for travelling to dark tourism sites and the preconditions surrounding the
production and consumption of dark tourism. With the majority of literature focusing primarily
on the supply of dark tourism, motivation for visiting dark tourism sites remains an
under-researched area (Sharpley and Stone, 2009). The need to conceptualise dark tourism
from a consumption perspective is critical, as understanding of the concept could be
enhanced if research draws conclusions from the tourist experience. Nevertheless, as the
tourism experience is based on an instantaneous production and consumption structure
(Sharpley and Stone, 2009), it is necessary that the reasons driving dark tourism
development are also explored. It is the purpose of this paper to enhance existing literature
by attempting to explore the multiple nature of dark tourism through the identi?cation of
supply and demand drivers as well as factors in?uencing both.
2. Supply and demand drivers
Miles (2002) proposes a distinction between dark attractions by classifying them according
to several shades of darkness. He referred to actual sites of dark tourism (such as
Auschwitz) and sites associated with dark tourism (such as the Holocaust Museum in
Washington), implying that the former are darker places as they embody an element of
authenticity. These sites usually have a higher political in?uence and tend to be
history-centric, whereas the presentation of the dark tourism product is based on
educational, memorial or conservational viewpoint (Niemela, 2010). Also, Miles (2002)
considers time as an in?uencing factor in developing dark tourism, as the amount of time
passed from the moment the event takes place to the moment the dark site is consumed by
tourists contributes to the perception of whether the site is ‘‘dark’’ or ‘‘darker’’. For instance,
recent events may appear darker (Wisler, 2009) due to the level of empathy shown by
tourists (Miles, 2002) towards those who suffered the tragedy. A similar categorisation model
is Stone’s (2006) ‘‘spectrum of supply’’, which classi?es dark tourism into seven categories
with varying degrees of ‘‘darkness’’ that are in?uenced by a variety of spatial, temporal,
political and ideological factors (Ryan and Kohli, 2006). Despite these academic
contributions to the conceptualisation and comprehension of dark tourism, they tend to
ignore demand-related drivers as they are primarily supply-oriented. According to Stone
(2006), no analysis of dark tourism supply is complete if tourist demand is not considered.
As dark tourism is primarily a behavioural concept, it is fundamental that tourist motives are
studied.
Motivation plays a signi?cant role in in?uencing travel decisions and tourist behaviour
(Moutinho, 1987; Gartner, 1993). Representing the internal forces of individuals which lead
to action (Schiffman and Kanuk, 1978; Devesa et al., 2009), motivations have been at the
centre of tourism research for years (Huang, 2010). Many of these motivational theories are
based on Maslow’s (1943) hierarchy of needs, whereby relaxation, seeking knowledge and
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family bonding are identi?ed as key motivational factors for travel (Pearce, 1993; Cha et al.,
1995; Goeldner and Ritchie, 2003; Pearce and Lee, 2005; Jang and Wu, 2006). Other
notable motivation theories are that of Dann (1977) and Iso-Ahola (1982), which suggest that
tourist motivation has a psychological (escape) and a social component (seeking) and
Crompton’s (1979) identi?cation of psychological motives (push) and cultural motives (pull).
Pull and push factors are central to the discussion of tourist motivation, with pull factors
being described as destination-speci?c attributes or outer motivations and push factors as
person-speci?c motivations or inner motivations (Heitmann, 2011). Within the dark tourism
context, several motives for visiting dark attractions are identi?ed. According to Hyde and
Harman (2011), just as multiple motives exist for leisure travel, so do dark tourists have
multiple travel motivations. Seaton and Lennon (2004) identi?ed two main motives related to
dark tourism:
1. Schadenfreude (i.e. the pleasure of seeing others’ misfortune) and;
2. thanatopsis (i.e. the contemplation of death).
Similarly, Seaton (1996) proposed that tourists visiting a dark site are motivated by their
desire for an actual or symbolic encounter with death, whilst Dann (1998) identi?ed eight
motives including the fear of phantoms, the search for novelty, nostalgia, the celebration of
crime, basic bloodlust and encounter with death as a way to sense mortality (Stone and
Sharpley, 2008). The plethora of studies on dark tourism motivations indicate some
prevailing motives, including curiosity, entertainment, empathic identi?cation, compassion,
nationalistic motives, pilgrimage, event validation, identity search, education and a sense of
social responsibility (Ashworth, 2002, 2004; Tarlow, 2005; Iles, 2008; Dunkley et al., 2011;
Biran et al., 2011; Hyde and Harman, 2011). This multiplicity in demand yields different forms
of dark tourism and different types of dark tourists. Yet, one weakness of these motivational
studies is the focus on individual motives rather than the socio-cultural factors that shape
those motives (Taillon, n.d.). Indeed, the interaction of demographic factors, the passage of
time as well as political elements will shape the perception of tourists of the dark site visited,
ultimately in?uencing the tourist experience. Hence, conceptualisation of dark tourism
requires the inclusion of both supply and demand elements in order to understand the
multiple interpretations that exist. Interpretations of dark sites are in?uenced not only by
tourist motives but also by the image tourists hold of those attractions; such perceptions are
to a great extent mediated by supply stakeholders.
Sharpley (2009) attempted to offer a more holistic view of dark tourism by incorporating
supply and demand factors. Speci?cally, he establishes a link between the site’s attributes
and the experience sought by tourists and proposed four shades of dark tourism:
1. black tourism, describing a pure dark experience;
2. pale tourism, referring to minimal interest in death;
3. grey tourism demand, describing visitation to dark sites motivated by fascination; and
4. grey tourism supply, which refers to sites developed to exploit death by attracting tourists
with little inherent interest in the site.
The consideration of both supply and demand gives rise to an important realisation – i.e. that
not all tourists visiting dark sites engage in a dark experience (Stone and Sharpley, 2008)
and not all tourists visiting dark sites are thanatourists (Slade, 2003; Biran et al., 2011).
Indeed, tourists may implicitly take away meanings of mortality from their visit rather than
explicitly seek to understand death as a primary motive (Stone and Sharpley, 2008; Stone,
2012). Seaton (2009) attempts to provide an explanation for this by suggesting an evolution
of dark tourism. He states that dark tourism was initiated by Christianity in the fourteenth and
sixteenth centuries, then in?uenced by a secular-sacred ideology of national heritage, and
concludes that mortality, as depicted in romantic art and literature, prevails in today’s
perception of death by acquiring a symbolic form. Poria et al. (2004) agree that as some
tourists may be unaware of the site’s dark attributes, leisure or a cultural/educational
experience may predispose visitation and ultimately shape the experience. Several factors
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seem to in?uence site interpretation, including the different knowledge levels of the dark site
among tourists and site location (Yuill, 2003; Biran et al., 2011). Poria et al. (2006) identi?y
three types of tourist – i.e. those wanting to feel connected to history, those wanting to learn,
and those with no motives linked to the historic site visited – and conclude that the
expectations of tourists were linked to their perceptions. Also, they ?nd that those perceiving
the heritage site as their own heritage have higher expectations and are more emotionally
involved in the experience. Biran et al. (2011) agree that dark tourisminterpretation depends
on the intensity of interest, familiarity with the event that has taken place at the site, and
perceptions placed on the attraction. Hence, fundamental managerial implications arise for
dark tourismdevelopment as the factors in?uencing tourist perception of a dark heritage site
– and in turn their experience and satisfaction – need to be identi?ed. The need to de?ne the
various dark tourist types and the factors in?uencing their ‘‘dark’’ experience are central to
dark tourismdevelopment. Wisler (2009) argues that understanding of dark tourismrequires
the inclusion of the act of travel to dark sites, the interpretation of the event in question and
the consumption of the dark tourism product. Hence, this paper aims to address the highly
fragmented concept of dark tourism by following a supply-demand approach.
3. Methodology
3.1 Research objective and case study area
The literature of this review has highlighted the need to study the factors in?uencing tourist
experiences at dark sites using both supply and demand perspectives. It is believed that by
doing so theoretical and practical insights can be gained. Thus, the main objective of this
research is to contribute to the conceptualisation of dark tourism by investigating the drivers
for the dark tourism development, the motivators for travelling to dark tourism sites and the
factors in?uencing production and consumption of dark tourism. The paper re?ects these
points by focusing on two dark heritage sites found in Nicosia, Cyprus. Speci?cally, the sites
are pre-independence themed museums illustrating the Greek Cypriot struggle against the
British rule of the island. The ?rst site, which pays tribute to the 1955-1959 struggle of Greek
Cypriots against British colonial rule, is the National Struggle Museum and the second is a
memorial place containing the graves of 13 members of EOKA (the National Organisation of
Cypriot Fighters) killed by the British. The graves were found in the Central Jail of Nicosia
after Cyprus gained independence in 1960, and together with the cells and gallows, the site
serves as a museum today (Dale and Robinson, 2011). Whilst the memorial place in the
Central Jail is purposefully empty of personal belongings, visual aids and other objects to
illustrate the few things that the Greek Cypriot ?ghters/prisoners were given by the British
and place emphasis on the gibbets used to hang the ?ghters/prisoners, this is not the case
in the Museum of National Struggle. The museum depicts several everyday objects such as
diaries, clothing, guns and utensils that were used by the ?ghters as an attempt to humanize
them. Black and white photographs and newspaper articles celebrating the Greek Cypriot
resistance are also on display, which serve the purpose of informing the visitors of the
victimisation the Greek Cypriots went through under British rule.
The choice of these museums as the focus of this study is well justi?ed. Whilst being
promoted as heritage sites, the death-related theme of the museum as well as their
educational and commemoration purpose places these sites in the dark heritage tourism
category. Indeed, several of the heritage sites studied in the context of dark tourism include
museums, memorial places, prisons and graveyards (Miles, 2002; Strange and Kempa,
2003; Stenning et al., 2008; Biran et al., 2011; Mowatt and Chancellor, 2011). With
approximately 40,000 visitors each year (Lisle, 2007), the two museums are visited by both
locals and foreigners (Lisle, 2007; Dale and Robinson, 2011).
3.2 Study methods
The research adopted a supply-demand approach and was performed in two stages: ?rstly,
semi-structured interviews with supply-side stakeholders were conducted and then two
focus group sessions consisting were performed in April 2012. Speci?cally, 12
semi-structured interviews were performed with museum personnel, policymakers and
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members of the association of travel agents and tour guides as well as of?cers of the Cyprus
Tourism Organisation and the Nicosia Tourism Development and Promotion Company. Care
was taken in selecting representatives of different sectors of the tourism industry to allow the
expression of various viewpoints. The interviewees were initially contacted by telephone and
each interview session – which lasted approximately 30 minutes – was performed at each
interviewee’s of?ce. The questions asked were shaped around the research objectives and
so interviewees were asked to identify the developmental purpose of each museum by
describing the way it is projected and the target market the sites attract. The data collected
was further supplemented with archival records, past study ?ndings and informative
material.
In addition, two focus groups consisting of eight members each were conducted at a
designated hotel in the town centre; one focus group included local visitors and the other
included foreign visitors (from the UK, Germany, Russia and Greece) who had previously
visited both sites. Focus groups were preferred to interviews as they foster a dynamic
discussion environment and allow the collection of a greater number of responses
simultaneously. The focus group members were recruited through snowball sampling for
convenience purposes, yet to minimise the risk of homogeneity of participants sample
selection was performed with care to ensure that both local and foreign visitors of various
nationalities and age groups were included. The focus groups were moderated by the
researcher and lasted approximately 75 minutes each. Participants were asked to describe
their perception of the museums and the main motive for visiting the museums, and
photographs of the museums’ artefacts were shown to reinforce participants’ memory. Data
collected was further supplemented by personal statements and comments written by
visitors in the museums’ visitor books. The data collected fromboth the interviews and focus
groups was analysed using thematic analysis.
4. Findings and discussion
The research reveals that both museums were established as a remembrance site for the
?ghters of the national struggle against British rule. Speci?cally, the National Struggle
Museum was founded by the Cyprus government in 1962 as a memorial site. According to
the museum curator, ‘‘there was no Ministry of Education and Culture back then so the
purpose of the museumwas the preservation of the memory of the heroes and remembrance
so that younger generations would not forget who we were and where we are going’’.
Similarly, the cells and graves of the ?ghters found in the Central Jail of Nicosia (which was
originally established by the British in 1894) were developed into a museum by the
government after the island’s independence in 1960 as a centre of remembrance for those
who were killed in the struggle. Interestingly, the purpose of the EOKA organisation was not
independence, but uni?cation with Greece. Yet, the museums do not depict this openly as
the anti-colonial struggle was the focal point for the ethnic con?ict between the two
communities in Cyprus (the Greek Cypriot community desired uni?cation with Greece
whereas Turkish Cypriots opposed the idea). Instead, the museums, through a method of
erasing the ethnic struggles between the two communities and creating nostalgia for a ‘‘just’’
war, emphasise the oppressed position of the Greek Cypriots (Lisle, 2007). Thus, an attempt
to reinforce the community’s identity through the promotion of the Greek Cypriots’ heritage
and beliefs is evident; this coincides with Lennon and Foley’s (2000) statement that of?cial
messages are clearly ideological. Whilst the development of the museums serves primarily
educational and memorial purposes, the concept of ‘‘death’’ is incorporated into the tourist
experience. The National Struggle Museum depicts various personal belongings of the
?ghters in an attempt to incorporate symbolic meaning in the visitor experience, whereas the
memorial in the Central Jail provides a more authentic landscape for the consumption of the
tourist experience. The graves of the ?ghters and the original gallows used to hang them are
used as symbolic artefacts to enhance the emotional aspect of the experience. As a result,
the museums become places of commemoration, veneration and learning (Yuill, 2003), and
hence transform into consumable dark heritage tourism spaces.
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With both local and foreign visitors being attracted to the museums, the research found that
the motives of each group are different. According to the curators of the museums, the
majority of visitors consist mostly of pupils fromlocal schools, who visit the sites as part of an
educational program, as well as Greek tourists who come to the museums as part of an
organised excursion. Yet, the educational and remembrance purposes of the sites seem to
drive visitation for locals. All local focus group participants stated that they had visited the
museums in the past as part of an educational school trip, and that they had recently
revisited the museums with their families ‘‘to teach their children about the history of Cyprus’’
or ‘‘to pay respect to the heroes’’. By constrast, approximately 40 per cent of the local
participants stated that they revisited the museums ‘‘because of curiosity’’ and in order to
remember the artefacts that they sawas children, with only one participant identifying leisure
as his primary motive. The educational character of the visits by locals is highlighted by the
curators’ statements that ‘‘close to the national holiday [. . .] more locals are visiting the
museums’’.
The curators agreed that a small segment of foreign visitors are attracted to the museums,
and it appears that foreigner visitors’ motives are different. The curator of the National
Struggle Museum stated that ‘‘a small number of British, Germans, French and Italians have
visited the museumin the past on an individual basis and not as part of an organised trip [. . .]
they hold tourist information booklets and maps and like to explore Nicosia so they visit the
museum too’’. On the other hand, a travel agent selling daily excursions to Nicosia stated
that several foreign clients visit the museums because it is part of the itinerary but not
because of a speci?c interest in the museology. Indeed, almost half of foreign focus group
participants stated that they had visited the museums as part of an organised excursion,
with 25 per cent visiting the museums independently as they ‘‘were passing by Nicosia’’.
Only one foreign visitor said that she had visited the museums for educational purposes as
part of her degree requirements. No foreign visitor, however, identi?ed interest in death or the
site itself as the primary motivator for the visit; instead the foreign visitors argued that whilst
they were holidaying in the coastal area of Cyprus they had decided to take a daily excursion
to Nicosia ‘‘to see what is there’’ or to ‘‘see something different’’. The curator of the memorial
in the Central Jail agreed that visits by foreign tourists are rare, and identi?ed lack of
knowledge of the existence of the museum as a key factor. He explained that ‘‘tourists don’t
know how to ?nd this museum [. . .] it is next to the prisons of Nicosia. In the past there were
talks about opening a separate road leading to the museum but due to bureaucracy nothing
was done’’. In addition, he concluded that ‘‘only Greek tourists seemslightly interested in the
museumdue to the solidarity between Greece and Cyprus but a large proportion of themare
irritated [. . .] they often complain about being brought to a cemetery and prefer to see
something else in Nicosia’’. Similarly, a travel agent stated that ‘‘tourist groups were taken to
the museums in the past but tourists are not interested in visiting cemeteries [. . .] they are
here to have fun, enjoy the sun, maybe take a daily excursion to Nicosia to see what is there’’.
On the contrary it was found that Greek visitors visited the museums because it was part of
an organised excursion, but expressed a positive perception and experience due to ‘‘the
solidarity and af?liation with the Greek Cypriot people’’, which helped them to empathise
with the artefacts displayed.
When asked to describe the sites, all foreign visitors characterised the museums as cultural
attractions. This coincides with an interviewee’s statement that ‘‘the tourists see the
museums as heritage or cultural attractions’’. One supply-side stakeholder agreed stating
that ‘‘tourists will accept what you give them [. . .] it is the supply-side that often determines
what tourists will consume and whether this attraction should be regarded as important’’.
Thus, an important issue arises regarding the development and promotion of dark tourism
sites, as it appears that the supply side drives demand to a large extent. As one interviewee
stated, different sites are associated with death but are not regarded as dark attractions by
tourists; instead they are perceived as heritage or religious attractions that have some
cultural value. Indeed, one policy-maker expressed concerns over the de?nition of dark
tourism. He stated that ‘‘tourists visit the pyramids, which in essence are the tombs of the
Pharaohs; but tourists don’t see the pyramids as that, they see it as an important, cultural
attraction. The same goes for the Coliseum[. . .] if you ask people why they visit the Coliseum
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they will say because it is an important cultural attraction’’. This statement con?rms the
multiple interpretations given to dark tourismand raises the question of what in?uences such
interpretations. Ashworth (1991) argued that the projected image of a destination in?uences
tourist perception and behaviour; therefore, the concept of image in dark tourism needs to
be examined. Indeed, projected images primarily created by tourism authorities, tour
operators and the media act as a ‘‘pull’’ factor attracting tourists. Similarly, Baloglu and Uysal
(1996) state that tourist motivation and perception are push factors predisposing tourists to
travel. Thus, the argument that both supply and demand aspects must be considered in
conceptualising dark tourism is reinforced, as their interaction plays a role on the way a site
is perceived and consumed.
Within the context of image, this research paper identi?ed several factors – other than tourist
motivations – that in?uence visitor interpretation of dark sites. Nearly all of the interviewees
acknowledged that the relevance of a site to a visitor plays a role in the tourist’s interest to
visit it. For example, it was highlighted that Greek tourists are more interested in the dark
heritage sites ‘‘due to ethnic relations’’. This con?rms Poria et al.’s (2006) ?nding that
perception of the site as being one’s own heritage affects tourist motivation and experience.
Hence, nationality, religion and a sense of solidarity in?uence demand for dark tourism.
Interestingly, one British visitor wrote in the National Struggle Museum visitor book that he
was ‘‘ashamed to be British’’ due to the realisation of the negative impacts British colonialism
had on the people of Cyprus. Indeed, British participants expressed ‘‘a sense of guilt’’ after
visiting the museums; speci?cally, one said that he ‘‘felt sad that the country’s [UK’s] politics
had such an impact on the people of Cyprus’’. Despite the sense of guilt expressed, it
cannot be identi?ed as a motivator, as this feeling arose post-visit. Thus, the lack of interest in
a dark experience coincides with Stone and Sharpley’s (2008) argument that it is unclear
whether an interest in death is the dominant reason for visiting dark sites. Indeed, ?ndings
indicate that an interest in death does not act as a primary motive for visitation, yet the
irritation of some foreign tourists after visiting the sites con?rm that a morbid experience is
presented to them and ultimately consumed by them.
The length of time passed since the tragedy took place has also been identi?ed as an
in?uencing factor on tourist perception. Speci?cally, one interviewee stated that ‘‘con?icts
existed in the ancient world also but they are more easily perceived as heritage or
culture’’. The same interviewee elaborated further by stating that ‘‘maybe in the future
what is perceived now as dark tourism or special interest tourism will become a popular,
must-see cultural attraction consumed by the masses’’. According to Uzzell (1998),
places and their meaning change over time; hence, dark tourism cannot be
conceptualised as a static form of tourism. After all, tourism is characterised by
mobility and liquid modernity (Urry and Larsen, 2011). Indeed, dark tourism has been
depicted in the literature as a form of special interest tourism, attracting tourists who seek
enhanced personal experiences and self-development. Nevertheless, several dark sites
worldwide have become popular tourist attractions, drawing millions of tourists. This
questions the practice of identifying dark tourism as a form of special interest tourism, as
participation in a dark tourism experience does not necessarily indicate a particular
interest in the ‘‘dark’’, but can be merely coincidental. This argument coincides with
McCannell’s (1976) sacralisation process, whereby a site becomes a tourist site gradually
through the interaction of social environments, leading to the rise of diverse meanings
among different tourist groups (Seaton, 1999). A similar idea has been put forward by
Lowenthal (1985), who argues that there are three levels of historical analysis –
memories, historical records and artefacts starting from the war generation who visit sites
to pay homage and to remember, moving to the next generation where places become
less of a memorial and more of a tourist attraction; hence, places move from being a
memory to being a historical record and artefact. Yet, this may not be the case for the
local inhabitants, for whom heritage may mean something different (Poria et al., 2006).
Indeed, Poria and Ashworth’s (2009) heritagisation process indicates that heritage is often
used as a resource to achieve certain social goals, dividing people into ‘‘we’’ and ‘‘us’’
and using the past to educate the present generation.
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Timothy and Boyd (2003) conclude that tourists may come fromdivergent backgrounds and
have different needs, expectations and educational levels, and suggest that the most
effective tours are those that acknowledge and plan for these differences by providing
various levels of interpretation that re?ect the tourists’ interests and abilities.
5. Conclusion
Dark tourism cannot be perceived as an expression of tourist demand only, but rather needs
to be considered in conjunction with tourism supply. WhilE the museums appear to fall in the
grey category of Sharpley’s demand/supply matrix, the diversity of visitor groups implies that
supply may be purposeful, yet participation in a dark tourism experience may be
coincidental as demand is often unrelated to an interest in death. So what factors in?uence
interpretation of, and experience at, dark tourism sites? The ?ndings here reveal that
education, remembrance and reinforcement of national identity are key motivators for locals
visiting these dark sites. On the other hand, most of the visits to the museums by foreigners
were coincidental, with some expressing interest in culture and/or novelty. Personal factors
of visitors like nationality are also important in establishing relevance to the site, whereas the
passage of time remains an in?uencing element in tourist perceptions of dark sites.
According to Smith and Croy (2005), the characteristics of a dark tourist attraction and the
way it is perceived by tourists lay the foundation for visitor motivation; therefore, examination
of tourist motivations needs to consider the perceived images held by tourists. Table I
illustrates the factors in?uencing tourist interpretation and experience of dark tourism sites
and the linkages with tourist demand drivers and supply elements.
As can be seen from Table I, supply stakeholders such as national tourist organisations and
tour operators are largely responsible for promoting dark sites. The projected image is also
in?uenced by communication channels such as the media. Several factors interact to attract
visitors to a site, including site-speci?c characteristics, the infrastructural environment, the
existence of tourist facilities, and the location of a site. The projected image of the site
consequently in?uences the perceived image held by tourists and ultimately the experience
at the site. Nevertheless, a tourist’s perceived image is interrelated to their motivations and
intrinsic needs, which act as push factors for visiting dark sites. Similarly, several factors
in?uencing demand and the tourist experience, including the source delivering information
about the dark site (i.e. internet, tour operators, etc.), the passage of time since the dark
event took place and personal factors of tourists such as nationality, sense of solidarity with
the affected community and knowledge level.
The ?ndings here con?rm the notion that dark tourism remains highly fragmented and that
the production and consumption of dark tourism are continuous and interrelated. The
different developmental purposes for dark tourism and socio-cultural factors in?uencing
tourist interpretation of dark sites interact to yield diverse forms of dark tourism ranging from
leisure-based, educational, political to heritage. This paper con?rms the ?ndings of previous
studies that supply and demand need to be explored together and highlights the importance
of marketing tactics in developing and promoting dark tourism. The ?ndings verify that
numerous motivations for visiting dark sites exist; despite, the fact that interest in death may
not act as a primary motive for visitation, a dark experience might be ultimately consumed by
tourists. Similarly, the supply of dark tourism may be driven by factors other than interest in
death. It is suggested that tourist markets are segmented taking into consideration that not
Table I Factors impacting dark tourism demand
Pull factors Push factors
Site characteristics Motives
Infrastructure Needs
Tourist facilities
Accessibility
Source: The author (2012)
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all tourists visiting a dark site are motivated by an interest in death and not all tourists share
the same experience. The marketing implications of dark tourism development need to be
studied further, as marketing of dark tourism sites and the image of dark tourism attractions
remains an under-researched area. The impact that marketing approaches may have on
tourist experience, perception and satisfaction can be investigated. Uzzell (1998)’s
realisation that nowadays personal mobility and the internet have revolutionized the tourism
industry creates implications for dark tourismmarketing as the images of dark attractions are
dif?cult to control. Future research could respond to these challenges.
Despite the practical insights offered by the study to marketers in relation to segmentation
strategies adopted in dark tourismas well as dark tourismsite promotion, it is acknowledged
that the study’s narrow focus on museums in Cyprus limits the scope of its ?ndings. Clearly,
future research needs to be performed on other locations, destinations and heritage sites
associated with death to allow for generalisation of ?ndings. Also, the study focused on a
small sample of respondents, which limits generalisability. Future research could
incorporate a larger sample size to allow for comparisons between age groups,
nationalities and gender. Nevertheless, with dark tourism being such a complex and
multi-faceted concept, case studies such as this one contribute to the conceptualisation of
the term by allowing comparison, contrast and enhancement of understanding of a
phenomenon which is anything but simple.
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About the author
Dr Anna Farmaki is a Lecturer at the School of International Business and Management at the
University of Central Lancashire Cyprus, where she currently leads the Hospitality and
Tourism Management programme. As a researcher she has published articles in several
international refereed academic journals, such as Tourism Management Perspectives and
Tourism Planning and Development. Her research interests revolve around tourism planning
and development, tourism marketing and destination branding. Dr Anna Farmaki can be
contacted at: [email protected]
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This article has been cited by:
1. Bing-Jin Yan, Jie Zhang, Hong-Lei Zhang, Shao-Jing Lu, Yong-Rui Guo. 2016. Investigating the motivation–experience
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108-121. [CrossRef]
2. Avital Biran, Kenneth F. Hyde. 2013. New perspectives on dark tourism. International Journal of Culture, Tourism and
Hospitality Research 7:3, 191-198. [Abstract] [Full Text] [PDF]
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doc_107857948.pdf
The purpose of this paper is to advance the conceptualisation of dark tourism by evaluating
both the supply-side drivers for dark tourism development and the demand-side motivations for visiting
two dark heritage sites in Cyprus
International Journal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research
Dark tourism revisited: a supply/demand conceptualisation
Anna Farmaki
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Avital Biran, Kenneth F. Hyde, (2013),"New perspectives on dark tourism", International J ournal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality
Research, Vol. 7 Iss 3 pp. 191-198http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/IJ CTHR-05-2013-0032
Rachael Raine, (2013),"A dark tourist spectrum", International J ournal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research, Vol. 7 Iss 3 pp. 242-256http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/IJ CTHR-05-2012-0037
Philip Stone, (2013),"Dark tourism scholarship: a critical review", International J ournal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research, Vol. 7
Iss 3 pp. 307-318http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/IJ CTHR-06-2013-0039
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Dark tourism revisited: a supply/demand
conceptualisation
Anna Farmaki
Abstract
Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to advance the conceptualisation of dark tourism by evaluating
both the supply-side drivers for dark tourism development and the demand-side motivations for visiting
two dark heritage sites in Cyprus.
Design/methodology/approach – An exploratory research approach was adopted whereby 12
semi-structured interviews were conducted with supply-side stakeholders and two focus groups were
conducted with local and foreign visitors.
Findings – Production and consumption of dark tourism is continuous and interrelated as demand
appears to be supply-driven and attraction-based. Tourist interpretations of dark tourism are in?uenced
by tourists’ personal factors, the passage of ‘‘time’’ and the way the dark site is projected by the
supply-side. A re?ned marketing segmentation strategy is proposed taking into consideration the
purpose of visit, the relevance of the dark heritage site to the tourist and the depth of the dark element.
Originality/value – The study’s focus is narrow but the ?ndings provide theoretical and practical
insights into the conceptualisation dark tourism by considering supply and demand aspects and the
related in?uencing factors. In doing so understanding of the phenomenon is enhanced.
Keywords Cyprus, Tourism, Tourism development, Dark tourism, Thanatourism, Tourist motivations
Paper type Research paper
1. Introduction
Lennon and Foley (1996) ?rst used the term ‘‘dark tourism’’ in the mid-1990s to describe
death-related tourism activity. Also labelled ‘‘thanatourism’’ (Seaton, 1996), ‘‘morbid
tourism’’ (Blom, 2000), ‘‘grief tourism’’, ‘‘disaster tourism’’, ‘‘black spot tourism’’ (Rojek,
1993) and ‘‘phoenix tourism’’, dark tourism refers to visitation to sites associated with death,
suffering and tragedy. In recent years, dark tourism has attracted increasing academic
interest and has become a popular area of research. Despite the recent attention paid to
dark tourism, it is not a new phenomenon. Travelling to and experiencing places associated
with death is an act that has been undertaken by tourists since the eleventh century (Dale
and Robinson, 2011). According to Seaton (1996) dark tourism dates back to the Middle
Ages, yet its popularity intensi?ed in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries with
visits to sites like the battle?eld of Waterloo (Seaton, 1999). Stone (2005) sees that dark
tourism as an old concept in a new world. Roman gladiatorial games, pilgrimage to the Holy
Land to see the site of Christ’s cruci?xion and medieval public executions have been
identi?ed as the ?rst death-related types of tourism (Stone and Sharpley, 2008). Similarly,
visits to battle?elds, cemeteries, mausoleums, museums, former homes of deceased
celebrities and mass death sites also represent dark tourism. Indeed, sites associated with
war, disaster, death and atrocities have long fascinated people (Stone and Sharpley, 2008;
Logan and Reeves, 2009; Cohen, 2011). In particular, Smith (1998, p. 205) suggests that
‘‘sites associated with war probably constitute the largest single category of tourist
attractions in the world’’. Dark tourism has become a widespread phenomenon that attracts
DOI 10.1108/IJCTHR-05-2012-0030 VOL. 7 NO. 3 2013, pp. 281-292, Q Emerald Group Publishing Limited, ISSN 1750-6182
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Anna Farmaki is based at
the School of International
Business and
Management, University of
Central Lancashire Cyprus,
Larnaka, Cyprus.
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an increasing number of travellers worldwide. Approximately 1.2 million people visited the
Holocaust site of Auschwitz-Birkenau in 2007 and 3.5 million visited the Ground Zero site in
New York, making it one of the city’s top tourist attractions (Kang et al., 2012).
Despite the increasing popularity of dark tourism over the last century, understanding of the
phenomenon remains limited (Biran et al., 2011) and attempts to de?ne the term fail to
address the complexity of dark tourism. Speci?cally, Niemela (2010) views that dark tourism
as a multi-layered mixture of history and heritage, tourism and tragedy. According to Stone
(2005) the supply of dark attractions depends on factors such as the attempt to achieve a
mercantile advantage or to manipulate a dark heritage site for political reasons. Thus, the
multi-faceted interpretations of dark tourism, and the differing elements the concept
encompasses, make it a dif?cult concept to pin down. It can be argued that the different
interpretations attached to dark tourism are the consequence of a diverse pool of motives,
which drive visitation, as well as socio-cultural factors that in?uence tourist expectations and
behaviour. Taillon (n.d.) argues that much of the debate on dark tourism is based on
semantics and terminology, yet little attention has been given to the relationship between the
various terminologies and tourist motivations. It is therefore pivotal that the conceptualisation
of dark tourism incorporates understanding of the reasons advocating its development, the
motivators for travelling to dark tourism sites and the preconditions surrounding the
production and consumption of dark tourism. With the majority of literature focusing primarily
on the supply of dark tourism, motivation for visiting dark tourism sites remains an
under-researched area (Sharpley and Stone, 2009). The need to conceptualise dark tourism
from a consumption perspective is critical, as understanding of the concept could be
enhanced if research draws conclusions from the tourist experience. Nevertheless, as the
tourism experience is based on an instantaneous production and consumption structure
(Sharpley and Stone, 2009), it is necessary that the reasons driving dark tourism
development are also explored. It is the purpose of this paper to enhance existing literature
by attempting to explore the multiple nature of dark tourism through the identi?cation of
supply and demand drivers as well as factors in?uencing both.
2. Supply and demand drivers
Miles (2002) proposes a distinction between dark attractions by classifying them according
to several shades of darkness. He referred to actual sites of dark tourism (such as
Auschwitz) and sites associated with dark tourism (such as the Holocaust Museum in
Washington), implying that the former are darker places as they embody an element of
authenticity. These sites usually have a higher political in?uence and tend to be
history-centric, whereas the presentation of the dark tourism product is based on
educational, memorial or conservational viewpoint (Niemela, 2010). Also, Miles (2002)
considers time as an in?uencing factor in developing dark tourism, as the amount of time
passed from the moment the event takes place to the moment the dark site is consumed by
tourists contributes to the perception of whether the site is ‘‘dark’’ or ‘‘darker’’. For instance,
recent events may appear darker (Wisler, 2009) due to the level of empathy shown by
tourists (Miles, 2002) towards those who suffered the tragedy. A similar categorisation model
is Stone’s (2006) ‘‘spectrum of supply’’, which classi?es dark tourism into seven categories
with varying degrees of ‘‘darkness’’ that are in?uenced by a variety of spatial, temporal,
political and ideological factors (Ryan and Kohli, 2006). Despite these academic
contributions to the conceptualisation and comprehension of dark tourism, they tend to
ignore demand-related drivers as they are primarily supply-oriented. According to Stone
(2006), no analysis of dark tourism supply is complete if tourist demand is not considered.
As dark tourism is primarily a behavioural concept, it is fundamental that tourist motives are
studied.
Motivation plays a signi?cant role in in?uencing travel decisions and tourist behaviour
(Moutinho, 1987; Gartner, 1993). Representing the internal forces of individuals which lead
to action (Schiffman and Kanuk, 1978; Devesa et al., 2009), motivations have been at the
centre of tourism research for years (Huang, 2010). Many of these motivational theories are
based on Maslow’s (1943) hierarchy of needs, whereby relaxation, seeking knowledge and
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family bonding are identi?ed as key motivational factors for travel (Pearce, 1993; Cha et al.,
1995; Goeldner and Ritchie, 2003; Pearce and Lee, 2005; Jang and Wu, 2006). Other
notable motivation theories are that of Dann (1977) and Iso-Ahola (1982), which suggest that
tourist motivation has a psychological (escape) and a social component (seeking) and
Crompton’s (1979) identi?cation of psychological motives (push) and cultural motives (pull).
Pull and push factors are central to the discussion of tourist motivation, with pull factors
being described as destination-speci?c attributes or outer motivations and push factors as
person-speci?c motivations or inner motivations (Heitmann, 2011). Within the dark tourism
context, several motives for visiting dark attractions are identi?ed. According to Hyde and
Harman (2011), just as multiple motives exist for leisure travel, so do dark tourists have
multiple travel motivations. Seaton and Lennon (2004) identi?ed two main motives related to
dark tourism:
1. Schadenfreude (i.e. the pleasure of seeing others’ misfortune) and;
2. thanatopsis (i.e. the contemplation of death).
Similarly, Seaton (1996) proposed that tourists visiting a dark site are motivated by their
desire for an actual or symbolic encounter with death, whilst Dann (1998) identi?ed eight
motives including the fear of phantoms, the search for novelty, nostalgia, the celebration of
crime, basic bloodlust and encounter with death as a way to sense mortality (Stone and
Sharpley, 2008). The plethora of studies on dark tourism motivations indicate some
prevailing motives, including curiosity, entertainment, empathic identi?cation, compassion,
nationalistic motives, pilgrimage, event validation, identity search, education and a sense of
social responsibility (Ashworth, 2002, 2004; Tarlow, 2005; Iles, 2008; Dunkley et al., 2011;
Biran et al., 2011; Hyde and Harman, 2011). This multiplicity in demand yields different forms
of dark tourism and different types of dark tourists. Yet, one weakness of these motivational
studies is the focus on individual motives rather than the socio-cultural factors that shape
those motives (Taillon, n.d.). Indeed, the interaction of demographic factors, the passage of
time as well as political elements will shape the perception of tourists of the dark site visited,
ultimately in?uencing the tourist experience. Hence, conceptualisation of dark tourism
requires the inclusion of both supply and demand elements in order to understand the
multiple interpretations that exist. Interpretations of dark sites are in?uenced not only by
tourist motives but also by the image tourists hold of those attractions; such perceptions are
to a great extent mediated by supply stakeholders.
Sharpley (2009) attempted to offer a more holistic view of dark tourism by incorporating
supply and demand factors. Speci?cally, he establishes a link between the site’s attributes
and the experience sought by tourists and proposed four shades of dark tourism:
1. black tourism, describing a pure dark experience;
2. pale tourism, referring to minimal interest in death;
3. grey tourism demand, describing visitation to dark sites motivated by fascination; and
4. grey tourism supply, which refers to sites developed to exploit death by attracting tourists
with little inherent interest in the site.
The consideration of both supply and demand gives rise to an important realisation – i.e. that
not all tourists visiting dark sites engage in a dark experience (Stone and Sharpley, 2008)
and not all tourists visiting dark sites are thanatourists (Slade, 2003; Biran et al., 2011).
Indeed, tourists may implicitly take away meanings of mortality from their visit rather than
explicitly seek to understand death as a primary motive (Stone and Sharpley, 2008; Stone,
2012). Seaton (2009) attempts to provide an explanation for this by suggesting an evolution
of dark tourism. He states that dark tourism was initiated by Christianity in the fourteenth and
sixteenth centuries, then in?uenced by a secular-sacred ideology of national heritage, and
concludes that mortality, as depicted in romantic art and literature, prevails in today’s
perception of death by acquiring a symbolic form. Poria et al. (2004) agree that as some
tourists may be unaware of the site’s dark attributes, leisure or a cultural/educational
experience may predispose visitation and ultimately shape the experience. Several factors
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seem to in?uence site interpretation, including the different knowledge levels of the dark site
among tourists and site location (Yuill, 2003; Biran et al., 2011). Poria et al. (2006) identi?y
three types of tourist – i.e. those wanting to feel connected to history, those wanting to learn,
and those with no motives linked to the historic site visited – and conclude that the
expectations of tourists were linked to their perceptions. Also, they ?nd that those perceiving
the heritage site as their own heritage have higher expectations and are more emotionally
involved in the experience. Biran et al. (2011) agree that dark tourisminterpretation depends
on the intensity of interest, familiarity with the event that has taken place at the site, and
perceptions placed on the attraction. Hence, fundamental managerial implications arise for
dark tourismdevelopment as the factors in?uencing tourist perception of a dark heritage site
– and in turn their experience and satisfaction – need to be identi?ed. The need to de?ne the
various dark tourist types and the factors in?uencing their ‘‘dark’’ experience are central to
dark tourismdevelopment. Wisler (2009) argues that understanding of dark tourismrequires
the inclusion of the act of travel to dark sites, the interpretation of the event in question and
the consumption of the dark tourism product. Hence, this paper aims to address the highly
fragmented concept of dark tourism by following a supply-demand approach.
3. Methodology
3.1 Research objective and case study area
The literature of this review has highlighted the need to study the factors in?uencing tourist
experiences at dark sites using both supply and demand perspectives. It is believed that by
doing so theoretical and practical insights can be gained. Thus, the main objective of this
research is to contribute to the conceptualisation of dark tourism by investigating the drivers
for the dark tourism development, the motivators for travelling to dark tourism sites and the
factors in?uencing production and consumption of dark tourism. The paper re?ects these
points by focusing on two dark heritage sites found in Nicosia, Cyprus. Speci?cally, the sites
are pre-independence themed museums illustrating the Greek Cypriot struggle against the
British rule of the island. The ?rst site, which pays tribute to the 1955-1959 struggle of Greek
Cypriots against British colonial rule, is the National Struggle Museum and the second is a
memorial place containing the graves of 13 members of EOKA (the National Organisation of
Cypriot Fighters) killed by the British. The graves were found in the Central Jail of Nicosia
after Cyprus gained independence in 1960, and together with the cells and gallows, the site
serves as a museum today (Dale and Robinson, 2011). Whilst the memorial place in the
Central Jail is purposefully empty of personal belongings, visual aids and other objects to
illustrate the few things that the Greek Cypriot ?ghters/prisoners were given by the British
and place emphasis on the gibbets used to hang the ?ghters/prisoners, this is not the case
in the Museum of National Struggle. The museum depicts several everyday objects such as
diaries, clothing, guns and utensils that were used by the ?ghters as an attempt to humanize
them. Black and white photographs and newspaper articles celebrating the Greek Cypriot
resistance are also on display, which serve the purpose of informing the visitors of the
victimisation the Greek Cypriots went through under British rule.
The choice of these museums as the focus of this study is well justi?ed. Whilst being
promoted as heritage sites, the death-related theme of the museum as well as their
educational and commemoration purpose places these sites in the dark heritage tourism
category. Indeed, several of the heritage sites studied in the context of dark tourism include
museums, memorial places, prisons and graveyards (Miles, 2002; Strange and Kempa,
2003; Stenning et al., 2008; Biran et al., 2011; Mowatt and Chancellor, 2011). With
approximately 40,000 visitors each year (Lisle, 2007), the two museums are visited by both
locals and foreigners (Lisle, 2007; Dale and Robinson, 2011).
3.2 Study methods
The research adopted a supply-demand approach and was performed in two stages: ?rstly,
semi-structured interviews with supply-side stakeholders were conducted and then two
focus group sessions consisting were performed in April 2012. Speci?cally, 12
semi-structured interviews were performed with museum personnel, policymakers and
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members of the association of travel agents and tour guides as well as of?cers of the Cyprus
Tourism Organisation and the Nicosia Tourism Development and Promotion Company. Care
was taken in selecting representatives of different sectors of the tourism industry to allow the
expression of various viewpoints. The interviewees were initially contacted by telephone and
each interview session – which lasted approximately 30 minutes – was performed at each
interviewee’s of?ce. The questions asked were shaped around the research objectives and
so interviewees were asked to identify the developmental purpose of each museum by
describing the way it is projected and the target market the sites attract. The data collected
was further supplemented with archival records, past study ?ndings and informative
material.
In addition, two focus groups consisting of eight members each were conducted at a
designated hotel in the town centre; one focus group included local visitors and the other
included foreign visitors (from the UK, Germany, Russia and Greece) who had previously
visited both sites. Focus groups were preferred to interviews as they foster a dynamic
discussion environment and allow the collection of a greater number of responses
simultaneously. The focus group members were recruited through snowball sampling for
convenience purposes, yet to minimise the risk of homogeneity of participants sample
selection was performed with care to ensure that both local and foreign visitors of various
nationalities and age groups were included. The focus groups were moderated by the
researcher and lasted approximately 75 minutes each. Participants were asked to describe
their perception of the museums and the main motive for visiting the museums, and
photographs of the museums’ artefacts were shown to reinforce participants’ memory. Data
collected was further supplemented by personal statements and comments written by
visitors in the museums’ visitor books. The data collected fromboth the interviews and focus
groups was analysed using thematic analysis.
4. Findings and discussion
The research reveals that both museums were established as a remembrance site for the
?ghters of the national struggle against British rule. Speci?cally, the National Struggle
Museum was founded by the Cyprus government in 1962 as a memorial site. According to
the museum curator, ‘‘there was no Ministry of Education and Culture back then so the
purpose of the museumwas the preservation of the memory of the heroes and remembrance
so that younger generations would not forget who we were and where we are going’’.
Similarly, the cells and graves of the ?ghters found in the Central Jail of Nicosia (which was
originally established by the British in 1894) were developed into a museum by the
government after the island’s independence in 1960 as a centre of remembrance for those
who were killed in the struggle. Interestingly, the purpose of the EOKA organisation was not
independence, but uni?cation with Greece. Yet, the museums do not depict this openly as
the anti-colonial struggle was the focal point for the ethnic con?ict between the two
communities in Cyprus (the Greek Cypriot community desired uni?cation with Greece
whereas Turkish Cypriots opposed the idea). Instead, the museums, through a method of
erasing the ethnic struggles between the two communities and creating nostalgia for a ‘‘just’’
war, emphasise the oppressed position of the Greek Cypriots (Lisle, 2007). Thus, an attempt
to reinforce the community’s identity through the promotion of the Greek Cypriots’ heritage
and beliefs is evident; this coincides with Lennon and Foley’s (2000) statement that of?cial
messages are clearly ideological. Whilst the development of the museums serves primarily
educational and memorial purposes, the concept of ‘‘death’’ is incorporated into the tourist
experience. The National Struggle Museum depicts various personal belongings of the
?ghters in an attempt to incorporate symbolic meaning in the visitor experience, whereas the
memorial in the Central Jail provides a more authentic landscape for the consumption of the
tourist experience. The graves of the ?ghters and the original gallows used to hang them are
used as symbolic artefacts to enhance the emotional aspect of the experience. As a result,
the museums become places of commemoration, veneration and learning (Yuill, 2003), and
hence transform into consumable dark heritage tourism spaces.
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With both local and foreign visitors being attracted to the museums, the research found that
the motives of each group are different. According to the curators of the museums, the
majority of visitors consist mostly of pupils fromlocal schools, who visit the sites as part of an
educational program, as well as Greek tourists who come to the museums as part of an
organised excursion. Yet, the educational and remembrance purposes of the sites seem to
drive visitation for locals. All local focus group participants stated that they had visited the
museums in the past as part of an educational school trip, and that they had recently
revisited the museums with their families ‘‘to teach their children about the history of Cyprus’’
or ‘‘to pay respect to the heroes’’. By constrast, approximately 40 per cent of the local
participants stated that they revisited the museums ‘‘because of curiosity’’ and in order to
remember the artefacts that they sawas children, with only one participant identifying leisure
as his primary motive. The educational character of the visits by locals is highlighted by the
curators’ statements that ‘‘close to the national holiday [. . .] more locals are visiting the
museums’’.
The curators agreed that a small segment of foreign visitors are attracted to the museums,
and it appears that foreigner visitors’ motives are different. The curator of the National
Struggle Museum stated that ‘‘a small number of British, Germans, French and Italians have
visited the museumin the past on an individual basis and not as part of an organised trip [. . .]
they hold tourist information booklets and maps and like to explore Nicosia so they visit the
museum too’’. On the other hand, a travel agent selling daily excursions to Nicosia stated
that several foreign clients visit the museums because it is part of the itinerary but not
because of a speci?c interest in the museology. Indeed, almost half of foreign focus group
participants stated that they had visited the museums as part of an organised excursion,
with 25 per cent visiting the museums independently as they ‘‘were passing by Nicosia’’.
Only one foreign visitor said that she had visited the museums for educational purposes as
part of her degree requirements. No foreign visitor, however, identi?ed interest in death or the
site itself as the primary motivator for the visit; instead the foreign visitors argued that whilst
they were holidaying in the coastal area of Cyprus they had decided to take a daily excursion
to Nicosia ‘‘to see what is there’’ or to ‘‘see something different’’. The curator of the memorial
in the Central Jail agreed that visits by foreign tourists are rare, and identi?ed lack of
knowledge of the existence of the museum as a key factor. He explained that ‘‘tourists don’t
know how to ?nd this museum [. . .] it is next to the prisons of Nicosia. In the past there were
talks about opening a separate road leading to the museum but due to bureaucracy nothing
was done’’. In addition, he concluded that ‘‘only Greek tourists seemslightly interested in the
museumdue to the solidarity between Greece and Cyprus but a large proportion of themare
irritated [. . .] they often complain about being brought to a cemetery and prefer to see
something else in Nicosia’’. Similarly, a travel agent stated that ‘‘tourist groups were taken to
the museums in the past but tourists are not interested in visiting cemeteries [. . .] they are
here to have fun, enjoy the sun, maybe take a daily excursion to Nicosia to see what is there’’.
On the contrary it was found that Greek visitors visited the museums because it was part of
an organised excursion, but expressed a positive perception and experience due to ‘‘the
solidarity and af?liation with the Greek Cypriot people’’, which helped them to empathise
with the artefacts displayed.
When asked to describe the sites, all foreign visitors characterised the museums as cultural
attractions. This coincides with an interviewee’s statement that ‘‘the tourists see the
museums as heritage or cultural attractions’’. One supply-side stakeholder agreed stating
that ‘‘tourists will accept what you give them [. . .] it is the supply-side that often determines
what tourists will consume and whether this attraction should be regarded as important’’.
Thus, an important issue arises regarding the development and promotion of dark tourism
sites, as it appears that the supply side drives demand to a large extent. As one interviewee
stated, different sites are associated with death but are not regarded as dark attractions by
tourists; instead they are perceived as heritage or religious attractions that have some
cultural value. Indeed, one policy-maker expressed concerns over the de?nition of dark
tourism. He stated that ‘‘tourists visit the pyramids, which in essence are the tombs of the
Pharaohs; but tourists don’t see the pyramids as that, they see it as an important, cultural
attraction. The same goes for the Coliseum[. . .] if you ask people why they visit the Coliseum
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they will say because it is an important cultural attraction’’. This statement con?rms the
multiple interpretations given to dark tourismand raises the question of what in?uences such
interpretations. Ashworth (1991) argued that the projected image of a destination in?uences
tourist perception and behaviour; therefore, the concept of image in dark tourism needs to
be examined. Indeed, projected images primarily created by tourism authorities, tour
operators and the media act as a ‘‘pull’’ factor attracting tourists. Similarly, Baloglu and Uysal
(1996) state that tourist motivation and perception are push factors predisposing tourists to
travel. Thus, the argument that both supply and demand aspects must be considered in
conceptualising dark tourism is reinforced, as their interaction plays a role on the way a site
is perceived and consumed.
Within the context of image, this research paper identi?ed several factors – other than tourist
motivations – that in?uence visitor interpretation of dark sites. Nearly all of the interviewees
acknowledged that the relevance of a site to a visitor plays a role in the tourist’s interest to
visit it. For example, it was highlighted that Greek tourists are more interested in the dark
heritage sites ‘‘due to ethnic relations’’. This con?rms Poria et al.’s (2006) ?nding that
perception of the site as being one’s own heritage affects tourist motivation and experience.
Hence, nationality, religion and a sense of solidarity in?uence demand for dark tourism.
Interestingly, one British visitor wrote in the National Struggle Museum visitor book that he
was ‘‘ashamed to be British’’ due to the realisation of the negative impacts British colonialism
had on the people of Cyprus. Indeed, British participants expressed ‘‘a sense of guilt’’ after
visiting the museums; speci?cally, one said that he ‘‘felt sad that the country’s [UK’s] politics
had such an impact on the people of Cyprus’’. Despite the sense of guilt expressed, it
cannot be identi?ed as a motivator, as this feeling arose post-visit. Thus, the lack of interest in
a dark experience coincides with Stone and Sharpley’s (2008) argument that it is unclear
whether an interest in death is the dominant reason for visiting dark sites. Indeed, ?ndings
indicate that an interest in death does not act as a primary motive for visitation, yet the
irritation of some foreign tourists after visiting the sites con?rm that a morbid experience is
presented to them and ultimately consumed by them.
The length of time passed since the tragedy took place has also been identi?ed as an
in?uencing factor on tourist perception. Speci?cally, one interviewee stated that ‘‘con?icts
existed in the ancient world also but they are more easily perceived as heritage or
culture’’. The same interviewee elaborated further by stating that ‘‘maybe in the future
what is perceived now as dark tourism or special interest tourism will become a popular,
must-see cultural attraction consumed by the masses’’. According to Uzzell (1998),
places and their meaning change over time; hence, dark tourism cannot be
conceptualised as a static form of tourism. After all, tourism is characterised by
mobility and liquid modernity (Urry and Larsen, 2011). Indeed, dark tourism has been
depicted in the literature as a form of special interest tourism, attracting tourists who seek
enhanced personal experiences and self-development. Nevertheless, several dark sites
worldwide have become popular tourist attractions, drawing millions of tourists. This
questions the practice of identifying dark tourism as a form of special interest tourism, as
participation in a dark tourism experience does not necessarily indicate a particular
interest in the ‘‘dark’’, but can be merely coincidental. This argument coincides with
McCannell’s (1976) sacralisation process, whereby a site becomes a tourist site gradually
through the interaction of social environments, leading to the rise of diverse meanings
among different tourist groups (Seaton, 1999). A similar idea has been put forward by
Lowenthal (1985), who argues that there are three levels of historical analysis –
memories, historical records and artefacts starting from the war generation who visit sites
to pay homage and to remember, moving to the next generation where places become
less of a memorial and more of a tourist attraction; hence, places move from being a
memory to being a historical record and artefact. Yet, this may not be the case for the
local inhabitants, for whom heritage may mean something different (Poria et al., 2006).
Indeed, Poria and Ashworth’s (2009) heritagisation process indicates that heritage is often
used as a resource to achieve certain social goals, dividing people into ‘‘we’’ and ‘‘us’’
and using the past to educate the present generation.
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Timothy and Boyd (2003) conclude that tourists may come fromdivergent backgrounds and
have different needs, expectations and educational levels, and suggest that the most
effective tours are those that acknowledge and plan for these differences by providing
various levels of interpretation that re?ect the tourists’ interests and abilities.
5. Conclusion
Dark tourism cannot be perceived as an expression of tourist demand only, but rather needs
to be considered in conjunction with tourism supply. WhilE the museums appear to fall in the
grey category of Sharpley’s demand/supply matrix, the diversity of visitor groups implies that
supply may be purposeful, yet participation in a dark tourism experience may be
coincidental as demand is often unrelated to an interest in death. So what factors in?uence
interpretation of, and experience at, dark tourism sites? The ?ndings here reveal that
education, remembrance and reinforcement of national identity are key motivators for locals
visiting these dark sites. On the other hand, most of the visits to the museums by foreigners
were coincidental, with some expressing interest in culture and/or novelty. Personal factors
of visitors like nationality are also important in establishing relevance to the site, whereas the
passage of time remains an in?uencing element in tourist perceptions of dark sites.
According to Smith and Croy (2005), the characteristics of a dark tourist attraction and the
way it is perceived by tourists lay the foundation for visitor motivation; therefore, examination
of tourist motivations needs to consider the perceived images held by tourists. Table I
illustrates the factors in?uencing tourist interpretation and experience of dark tourism sites
and the linkages with tourist demand drivers and supply elements.
As can be seen from Table I, supply stakeholders such as national tourist organisations and
tour operators are largely responsible for promoting dark sites. The projected image is also
in?uenced by communication channels such as the media. Several factors interact to attract
visitors to a site, including site-speci?c characteristics, the infrastructural environment, the
existence of tourist facilities, and the location of a site. The projected image of the site
consequently in?uences the perceived image held by tourists and ultimately the experience
at the site. Nevertheless, a tourist’s perceived image is interrelated to their motivations and
intrinsic needs, which act as push factors for visiting dark sites. Similarly, several factors
in?uencing demand and the tourist experience, including the source delivering information
about the dark site (i.e. internet, tour operators, etc.), the passage of time since the dark
event took place and personal factors of tourists such as nationality, sense of solidarity with
the affected community and knowledge level.
The ?ndings here con?rm the notion that dark tourism remains highly fragmented and that
the production and consumption of dark tourism are continuous and interrelated. The
different developmental purposes for dark tourism and socio-cultural factors in?uencing
tourist interpretation of dark sites interact to yield diverse forms of dark tourism ranging from
leisure-based, educational, political to heritage. This paper con?rms the ?ndings of previous
studies that supply and demand need to be explored together and highlights the importance
of marketing tactics in developing and promoting dark tourism. The ?ndings verify that
numerous motivations for visiting dark sites exist; despite, the fact that interest in death may
not act as a primary motive for visitation, a dark experience might be ultimately consumed by
tourists. Similarly, the supply of dark tourism may be driven by factors other than interest in
death. It is suggested that tourist markets are segmented taking into consideration that not
Table I Factors impacting dark tourism demand
Pull factors Push factors
Site characteristics Motives
Infrastructure Needs
Tourist facilities
Accessibility
Source: The author (2012)
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all tourists visiting a dark site are motivated by an interest in death and not all tourists share
the same experience. The marketing implications of dark tourism development need to be
studied further, as marketing of dark tourism sites and the image of dark tourism attractions
remains an under-researched area. The impact that marketing approaches may have on
tourist experience, perception and satisfaction can be investigated. Uzzell (1998)’s
realisation that nowadays personal mobility and the internet have revolutionized the tourism
industry creates implications for dark tourismmarketing as the images of dark attractions are
dif?cult to control. Future research could respond to these challenges.
Despite the practical insights offered by the study to marketers in relation to segmentation
strategies adopted in dark tourismas well as dark tourismsite promotion, it is acknowledged
that the study’s narrow focus on museums in Cyprus limits the scope of its ?ndings. Clearly,
future research needs to be performed on other locations, destinations and heritage sites
associated with death to allow for generalisation of ?ndings. Also, the study focused on a
small sample of respondents, which limits generalisability. Future research could
incorporate a larger sample size to allow for comparisons between age groups,
nationalities and gender. Nevertheless, with dark tourism being such a complex and
multi-faceted concept, case studies such as this one contribute to the conceptualisation of
the term by allowing comparison, contrast and enhancement of understanding of a
phenomenon which is anything but simple.
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About the author
Dr Anna Farmaki is a Lecturer at the School of International Business and Management at the
University of Central Lancashire Cyprus, where she currently leads the Hospitality and
Tourism Management programme. As a researcher she has published articles in several
international refereed academic journals, such as Tourism Management Perspectives and
Tourism Planning and Development. Her research interests revolve around tourism planning
and development, tourism marketing and destination branding. Dr Anna Farmaki can be
contacted at: [email protected]
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This article has been cited by:
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