Description
This paper aims to conceptualize and illustrate how some island societies – in spite of their
apparent openness, vibrant tourist economies and generally welcoming disposition – develop
exclusionary attitudes to a range of immigrants, resulting in effective limits to their much vaunted
hospitality culture.
International Journal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research
Come visit, but don't overstay: critiquing a welcoming society
Godfrey Baldacchino
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Godfrey Baldacchino, (2012),"Come visit, but don't overstay: critiquing a welcoming society", International J ournal of Culture, Tourism and
Hospitality Research, Vol. 6 Iss 2 pp. 145 - 153
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Come visit, but don’t overstay: critiquing a
welcoming society
Godfrey Baldacchino
Abstract
Purpose – This paper aims to conceptualize and illustrate how some island societies – in spite of their
apparent openness, vibrant tourist economies and generally welcoming disposition – develop
exclusionary attitudes to a range of immigrants, resulting in effective limits to their much vaunted
hospitality culture.
Design/methodology/approach – In the context of a global review, the paper reports a qualitative
study of immigrant experiences and perceptions from 2005 empirical survey data, as well as the
personal observations of the author on Prince Edward Island, Canada’s smallest and only fully island
province.
Findings – While the bonding social capital of island communities tends to be strong, their bridging
social capital tends to be weak. Other aspects of island life – including perceptions of smallness,
af?rmation of island identity, high population density, gentri?cation, the threat of invasion and the fear of
the other – impact on the interaction of the ‘‘come heres’’ with the ‘‘from heres’’. The paper shows
divisions in islander attitudes between (short-term stay) tourists and (longer-term stay) immigrants in
sharp relief.
Research limitations/implications – This analysis queries research assumptions about service,
hospitality and tourism and provides a conceptual framework for the dynamics of visitation to island
destinations.
Practical implications – These ?ndings critique service quality, relationship management and attitudes
to potential clients.
Originality/value – The paper connects immigration research to attitudes to tourism, using an island
studies lens as its analytical tool and provides an insightful view of the contested dynamics of place,
notions of hospitality and exclusion.
Keywords Islands, Invasion, Prince Edward Island, Welcoming society, Come from away, Tourism,
Immigration
Paper type Case study
1. Prologue
I’ve built walls.
A fortress deep and mighty.
That none may penetrate.
I have no need of friendship; friendship causes pain.
Its laughter and its loving I disdain.
I am a rock, I am an Island (Simon and Garfunkel, 1965).
Islands have become the quintessential and most evocative tourist locales (Baum, 1996;
Baum et al., 2000; King, 1993; Go¨ ssling and Wall, 2007). They are amongst the world’s most
penetrated tourism destinations (McElroy, 2006). Small populations, limited land area,
limited land to coast ratio, and typically high population densities exacerbate their
penetrability. No wonder that some islanders have reacted negatively to tourism, even
though they realize that the industry is a crucial contributor to their economic well-being
DOI 10.1108/17506181211233072 VOL. 6 NO. 2 2012, pp. 145-153, Q Emerald Group Publishing Limited, ISSN 1750-6182
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CULTURE, TOURISM AND HOSPITALITY RESEARCH
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PAGE 145
Godfrey Baldacchino is
Canada Research Chair
(Island Studies) in the
Department of Sociology,
University of Prince Edward
Island, Charlottetown,
Canada.
Received: October 2009
Revised: March 2010
Accepted: July 2010
An earlier version of this paper
was presented at ‘ ‘Connecting
Worlds: Emigration,
Immigration and Development
in Insular Spaces’’, an
international conference held at
Angra do Hero? ´smo, Terceira
Island, Azores, Portugal, May
2008. The author’s sincere
thanks go to Lucinda Fonseca
and colleagues who organized
this event, as well as Russell
King, Richard G. Bedford and
anonymous reviewers for
useful, critical comments.
Disclaimer: The views
expressed in this paper are
those of the author and not
attributable to any association
or organization with which the
author has af?liation.
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(Boissevain, 1996). Revealingly, both the irritation index (or irridex) developed by Doxey
(1975) and the self-destruct theory of tourism proposed by Holder (1988), were developed
from ?eldwork in the island Caribbean.
Most islanders have developed a sanguine accommodation to short-term visitors, who
arguably add value to the local economy. With the increasing popularity of cruise ship tourism,
the meaning of short-term visitors has taken a new meaning in recent years, and rede?ned in
terms of hours. However, these same islanders can ?nd themselves generally uncomfortable,
suspicious, if not hostile to longer-termsojourners. These can even include returning islanders
who often ?nd out that they may have become foreigners in/to their own island, and treated
with some suspicion by the entrenched locals (e.g. King and Strachan, 1980). The dynamics
of weak bridging social capital (Woolcock and Narayan, 2000) or weak social ties
(Granovetter, 1973) come into play to exclude, often subtly, these longer term sojourners from
integrating fully into the island way of life, acting also as tacit mechanisms for con?rming and
locking their status as visitors and therefore implicitly encouraging them to leave and relocate.
The effects of gentri?cation (Clark et al., 2007; Marjavaara, 2007; Jackson, 2007), and the
threat of invasion, ride over and feed into the fear of the other, developing a nervousness
between the insiders who are from here and the outsiders or others who are from away (King
and Connell, 1999). These tensions emerge from ethnographic studies of such island
communities as Grand Manan Island (in New Brunswick, Canada) and Whalsay (in Shetland,
Scotland) (see Marshall, 1999, 2003, and Cohen, 1987, respectively).
This paper ?eshes out these dynamics with particular reference to an island jurisdiction even
as its provincial government promotes a proactive immigration strategy to increase its
population (PEI Population Secretariat, 2008). Prince Edward Island is Canada’s smallest
and only fully enisled province, and since 2003 is the author’s home.
2. De?nitional messiness
For all their beguiling geographical simplicity, islands are notoriously dif?cult to de?ne. An
island is not just any piece of land surrounded by water, since minimal and maximal size
thresholds, tidal effects and the presence of any ?xed links are considerations which invariably
play a role in determining the validity of certain candidates for that status (e.g. Depraetere and
Dahl, 2007; Baldacchino, 2007). An even more daunting raft of ambiguities concerns the
de?nition of islander. While many do take pride in the fact of having been born and bred on a
particular island, most of today’s islanders can trace their lineage to ancestors who were not.
Even before the wave of European colonization, life on many islands, especially the smaller
ones, was often only possible, paradoxically, because of the ability to leave them(Newitt, 1992,
p. 11). Moreover, most islanders increasingly spend time off their island: in other parts of their
island territory (in the case of archipelagos); and, increasingly, in metropolitan (and continental)
heartlands for work, business, shopping, education, adventure, self-discovery, escape, exile
and/or settlement. Emigration is often the only viable exit option to the pervasive and sti?ing
totality, monopoly and intimacy of the local socio-cultural environment (Baldacchino, 1997).
Few islanders have never been away; and, at any point in time, a signi?cant percentage of an
island population may be away at its respective metropole (Lowenthal, 1987, pp. 41-3).
Migration characterizes islands and islanders (Connell, 2007, p. 455). Islanders have a
higher propensity to migrate to developed countries (Connell and King, 1999). For various
island households, migration becomes a strategic resource, since offspring sent away can
be expected to inject remittances, in cash or in kind, into the home economy: in some
instances (such as Cape Verde, the Philippines, Samoa and Tonga), these ?scal injections
are signi?cant contributions to the island jurisdiction’s gross national product (Ahlburg and
Brown, 1998). In more recent times, thanks to the general popularization of air travel and the
improved security of international and cross-boundary travel – albeit with some dramatic
exceptions – migration to and from islands has taken a different tack, since people can now
enjoy the increasing possibility of living in, and also becoming a citizen of, more than one
place/country. That some 90 countries allowdual citizenship is indicative (CBCNews, 2006).
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Of course, this also means that the de?nition of an islander is increasingly blurred. Currently,
eligibility to vote, if also de?ned by physical presence, is contestable. The life histories of
small islanders, meticulously documented, reveal a complex juggling of the pros and cons of
home and away. Isaac Caines, from the Caribbean island of St Kitts (pro?led in Richardson,
1983, pp. 54-55), Kawagl, fromthe Melanesian South Paci?c (Brook?eld, 1972, pp. 167-168),
and Marshy, a Jamaican street vendor (Wardle, 2002), all demonstrate an uncanny skill in the
economies and temporalities of scope (as against scale), which include entrepreneurship
and ?exible specialization, both at home and abroad.
These islanders are examples of today’s nomads or transnationals, a speci?c pattern of
de-territorialized and cross-boundary migration that challenges the concept of the
temporality and spatiality of homeness (Duval, 2004; Hatziprokopiou, 2004; Vertovec,
2001) as well as the boundaries and sovereignty of states. They are glocals, being both
global and local in orientation (Connell and King, 1999, p. 2; Jolly, 2001), exploiting both
roots and routes (Clifford, 1997; DeLoughrey, 2007). As with many contemporary knowledge
professionals who move around wherever their work may take them (e.g. O
´
Riain, 2000), the
island periphery as a ?nite place is reinvented and reimagined as a platform for sorties into
the wider world. As, for example, in Newfoundland and Labrador:
With the call of big money jobs in Alberta, thousands of workers from the province have taken to
commuting back and forth across the country, for weeks or months at a time (Porter, 2007).
3. Islander engagement with visitors
Strange therefore, that islanders may acknowledge the virtues of mobility as they apply to
themselves, but disapprove once they are applied or extended to others. Strange that they
may value their own glocality (after Robertson, 1995), but then can become concerned,
?ercely nationalistic or xenophobic when considering others as glocal by spending
considerable time on their own island turf. Such an intrusion is an (other) invasion: seen as
unfair and unjusti?able, and a threat to the fragile island fabric. This is a fragility enhanced by
unease with globalization, a love-hate relationship with their inevitable cultural and economic
openness, and a real concern with the implications of additional sojourners in the context of
what is seen as a zero-sum resource game.
And so, resident islanders tend to enjoy and sustain a mythology that suggests a clear and
pure local identity. They could easily share such an af?nity with those others who have
emigrated from the island periphery and who revisit the island under some guise or other: as
tourists, as secondary residents, as retirees. Former islanders who have made their home
elsewhere but visit their former island home, as well as non-islanders who shuttle between
island and non-island homes, can all be easily considered as tourists, especially when they
behave as such. These tourists will also stand out fromthe general tourist noise: they tend to
spend more time visiting and staying with locals, they are more reluctant to frequent
commercialized tourist products as well as shun hotels and motels. The duration of their stay
is typically longer, and they are environmentally friendlier. Still, sooner or later, they will leave.
As long as they leave their money in the host economy, their presence is tolerable. At worst,
they raise the price of property and may displace permanent residents by their demand for
retirement or second homes: some island jurisdictions (such as A
?
land, Bermuda,
Gala´ pagos, Jersey and Malta) have legislation in place meant to prevent such from
happening, or to mitigate its impact; while others (especially in the South Paci?c) are
shielded from this dynamic because of the communal ownership of land (Baldacchino,
2006a, p. 858).
Tourists tend to be de?ned by their relatively short stay in the country of visitation. Once the
length of stay starts to increase, and tends towards becoming open-ended, then such
sojourners tend to be shifted by the locals to another category: that of newcomers, settlers,
or those come from away (CFA). Here the paper turns to illustrate some of these
insider-outsider dynamics in a speci?c island context.
Of course, geography and history conspire to render islands differently suited for migration.
On the basis of the typology suggested by Warrington and Milne (2007), island settlements
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have featured prominently as sites of deliberate repopulation strategies; island entrepoˆ ts
have acted as magnets for signi?cant incoming and circulating population movements and
diversity; while island fortresses appear better suited at keeping newcomers away. Connell
and King (1999, p. 3), echoing Churchill Semple (1911), observe that islands which ?nd
themselves at important crossroads – in a nodal location – tend to attract immigrants and
may thus be challenged by overpopulation; whereas those which ?nd themselves isolated,
on the periphery, may ?nd themselves better adept at sending people away and may suffer
stagnant, ageing and or declining populations in the outcome.
In this paper, reviews a peripheral island exemplary: Prince Edward Island. An Islander can
be born, and only be born, on PEI – once an islander, always an islander. There is no other
way of securing that status; and, once secured, the standing cannot be lost. Anyone else is a
CFA (come from away). This is a practice rampant in Atlantic Canada, of which PEI is one of
four provinces, as well as parts of the North-Eastern USA. The practice documents a host
clannishness that, while not meant to be malicious or exclusionary, nevertheless can turn out
to be so in its consequences, thus effectively shuts out, and thwarts immigrants fromsettling
down and integrating in their new island community. An awareness of such a dynamic is
important for a more holistic understanding of destination management strategies.
4. Failing to plug in
There is no such thing as a former Islander. When you are Island-born, you are one forever, no
matter where you have to exist when you are not fortunate enough to be here (Dobson, 2008).
Like the other three Atlantic Provinces of Canada (New Brunswick, Newfoundland and
Labrador, and Nova Scotia), PEI ?nds itself experiencing a very particular kind of
immigration. Canada as a whole accepts some 250,000 immigrants annually; but less than 3
percent of these move to settle in the Atlantic Provinces; and of those who do, around half
soon relocate west. Atlantic Canada is thus almost immune to the immigration phenomenon.
Its mono-cultural fabric – White, Anglophone, Christian, Heterosexual (Baldacchino, 2006b,
pp. 15-75) – left largely undisturbed. The condition makes for what Anthony D. Smith (1991)
describes as an ethnie: a pre-national, ethno-cultural group that shares a collective name, a
myth of descent, a shared history, a distinctive shared culture, an association with a
particular territory, and a sense of solidarity.
In contrast, and reinforcing this cultural framework, Prince Edward Island is increasingly in
the sights of Americans from New England priced out of beach houses at home. A dream
house with 900 feet (272 metres) of seafront sold on PEI in September 2004 for a relatively
affordable US$229,000: around Cdn$300,000 or e200,000 at the time (Tutelian, 2006). This
increased demand froman af?uent market is expected to exert upward pressure on the cost
of property, especially that of secondary homes and coastal cottages. Already 15 percent of
waterfront properties are owned by foreigners, even though the latter pay a higher property
tax than all-year-round residents. The current credit crunch may bring a reprieve, but this is
likely to be temporary.
In the autumn of 2005, I (myself a CFA) conducted a qualitative survey of recent settlers to
Prince Edward Island: recent meaning those who had moved to the province with a view to
settling there since 1998 and before 2003. The survey’s main objective was to move beyond
faceless statistics, identifying the real-life stories and narratives of why people had chosen to
move to PEI, had chosen to stay, or else were planning to leave. Within three months, a
snowballing strategy had identi?ed 320 respondents who agreed to complete a
questionnaire (either web-based or in hard copy) or else consented to being interviewed
by the principal investigator of by trained graduate students (Baldacchino, 2006b).
A settler is not, however, the best way to describe the survey respondents. A fair amount of
messiness was lurking in the survey database. To the frustration and chagrin of the social
scientist, immigrants tend to constitute a ?uid, mobile category. Some settlers, clearly, were
not intent on settling. Some had come to settle on Prince Edward Island, left, and then
decided to come back again. Some, especially the more af?uent or entrepreneurial, were
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living for one, two, four and up to eight months in the province, mainly in summer, every year.
Other settlers reveal a willingness to consider moving to other destinations, if the right
opportunity presented itself. Just over 11 percent of the 320 respondents to the 2005 study
claimed to be actively planning to leave PEI (Baldacchino, 2006b, p. 7). Indeed, referring to
1991-2006 inter-census data, PEI has the second lowest provincial immigrant retention rate
in the country: 51 percent of immigrants to PEI leave the province for good within two years of
getting there. This proportion estimated to swell up to 75 percent in the case of refugees
(Smith Green and Associates, 2001, p. 6).
A total of 35 of the surveyed recent immigrants to PEI have articulated the reasons why they
claimed to be actively considering leaving the Island (no pre-selected categories were
available in this exercise). The data below provide some interesting insights as to the
welcoming capacity of the Prince Edward Island community (with its total population of
140,000 on 5,660 km
2
) and what is needed for an island periphery to hold on better, or
longer, to those who do make the move to settle there (see Table I).
Surprisingly, the most common single explanation for the desire to relocate from the Island
alleges that islanders are close-minded. Perceptions are that PEI society is a patronage
driven, cliquist, conservative society in which who’s your father is a more important detail
than objective and certi?able skill and merit in advancing career and social mobility, privacy
is eroded and gossip is rife. By virtue of not being part of this intricately webbed community
– part of the survival package of islanders in the face of globalization – immigrants cannot,
or are not allowed to, ?t in. This condition may also be one of the reasons why they are forced
to self-employment (Baldacchino and Fall, 2008). They feel distrusted and discriminated
against; valued just for the money they inject into the local economy, and welcomed only as
long as they are temporarily servicing the local labor market, starved of human resources:
I feel that, unless one is from PEI, he or she is looked down on. I have felt this while trying to gain
and maintain employment. I have had employers tell me that they have received calls
complaining about the hiring of someone from away in positions (respondent no. 100).
PEI doesn’t treat people as persons who have potential or ability; they treat people as
sub-categories, such as a daughter of this politician or important member of this party, etc. [. . .]
So, people who came from outside have no possibility to get jobs, bene?ts or social trust
(respondent no. 134).
Social life here is nearly non-existent; people are casually friendly, but most don’t want you to
invade their space. I have made one friend from amongst Islanders; all the others are from away
(respondent no. 166).
I have found my extra education and skills of no value here. A case of not what you knowbut who’s
your Daddy [. . .] I have also found that Islanders are super?cially friendly and welcoming. There is
great prejudice to people from away that grows increasingly wearing as time goes on [. . .]
(respondent no. 269).
Table I Reasons for actively planning to leave PEI
Answers to Question 22: Are you actively planning to leave PEI? If Yes, why are you planning to leave PEI?
Reasons No. of responses
Social The close-mindedness of islanders and their attitude with
regards to ‘‘Come From Aways’’
20
Economic (1) High taxes and more expensive cost of living (including
bridge toll); unsuitable (e.g., seasonal) employment;
relatively low wages and salaries
16
Economic (2) Limited job prospects, impossibility to specialize and other
career limitations
11
Cultural Limited cultural programme and absence of multiculturalism 3
Other Health care, education, insurance, winter, family,
unspeci?ed
10
Notes: Respondents ¼ 35; various respondents offered more than one reason
Source: Baldacchino (2006b, pp. 40-1)
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While some of these reactions are to be expected, the extent to which the clannishness of the
host community acts as an obstacle to integration and an inducement to leave for those who
do not belong is probably surprising. Those who come from away and settle best in
peripheral areas may be actually those who were born and/or bred in those regions anyway,
and who can connect with family and friends. Still, even though they may come without a
history, they may ?nd themselves easily dragged into that sterile, sti?ing partisan pettiness
that may have been one of the reasons for their departure from the island in the ?rst place
(The Economist, 2003).
Apparently, for those who do take the risk and try and come over to settle in the periphery –
including a growing swathe of urban refugees (Forsythe, 1980) – what is necessary is a better
coming to terms with the intricate social network and gemeinschaft (community) type societies
(after To¨nnies, 2001), in which those who live on islands (as in remote rural communities) often
grow up without much choice or notice, but which create serious dif?culties of integration for
those who are not from here. This condition can lead to tensions and con?icts in local politics
involving those immigrants who stay nevertheless, but is just as likely to lead to exasperated
newcomers, sooner or later, packing their bags and moving on, and thus reinforcing the
uniformity of the local cultural space. Indeed, peripheral communities tend to be more
mono-ethnic and mono-cultural than mainstreamones, makingoutsiders stand out even more.
A strong cultural norm of sameness (Government of Prince Edward Island, 1999, p. 56), while
rightfully celebrating distinctive identity, history and culture, becomes less open and attractive
to those who are, are seen to be, or are made to feel, different.
Thus, island communities may be, and typically may think of themselves as being, very
friendly and welcoming to visitors – and especially so in the context of a tourism industry.
Yet, visitors may ?nd connection and engagement with these communities problematic if
they decide to extend their stay . . . perhaps inde?nitely. As one respondent to the 2005 study
insightfully opined:
Islanders seem to welcome people who come to visit for a short time and then leave with open
arms, but are very guarded about people who come to stay (respondent no. 215).
5. Conclusion
Many choose to settle in Prince Edward Island because of the quality of life, slower tempo,
affordable housing and friendly people. (PEI Population Secretariat, 2008)
The topos of an island appropriately conveys the complex relations between a given identity
and the estrangement from this same identity (Bongie, 1998, p. 18). In its double identity of
openness and closure, an island is on one hand rooted in tradition, isolation, culture and
history; a place of refuge engulfed in claustrophobia whose only escape is exile (ex-isle).
Still, at the same time, the island is well routed and connected to the world beyond via trade,
migration, tourism, and biotic, cultural and material imports. Without these, the island life
forms simply would not survive (Clifford, 1997; Baldacchino, 2004). While an island’s
geography speaks severance and insularity, its history speaks contact and articulation
(Warrington and Milne, 2007). Much islander nervousness traces to this inescapable,
dif?cult-to-admit dependency on what lies beyond the horizon.
Whether perched on cross-roads or peripheries, islanders must reconcile themselves to
bearing glocal identities. Manifestations of xenophobia, banal nationalism, cultural
idiosyncrasies, tight social bonding, super?cial welcoming dispositions, even the
invention of tradition, are perhaps attempts at reclaiming space otherwise felt to be fragile
and susceptible to invasion and adulteration. No wonder islanders get nervous when those
who come from away do not just come for a visit, but overstay.
Island fortresses today no longer try to repel the golden hordes (Turner, 1975). Instead, they
welcome visitors as key contributors to their economies, obliged as many of these islands
are to a dependency on external revenues. Hotels and restaurants have become major
employers in many small island economies. The construction and real estate sectors have
also thrived from this exogenous interest in places small, enisled and peripheral.
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And yet, ebullient hospitality appears to have its limits. Islanders do not take to their new role
in the global tourism industry passively, and not always kindly. Their acquiescence to play
the economic game and reap its ?scal bene?ts can be contrasted by an uncanny (even if
involuntary or implicit) ability to create inviolate social, cultural and even physical spaces in
which the ubiquitous foreigner will not enter, or linger. Local languages and dialects, tight
social networks and family-based community life are some of the strategies that present a
modicum of localism, even whilst thoroughly penetrated by the global tourism industry, and
its demands for service-oriented happy natives:
And a rock feels no pain;
And an island never cries (I am a Rock, I am an Island, Simon and Garfunkel, 1965).
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About the author
Godfrey Baldacchino is Professor of Sociology and Canada Research Chair (Island
Studies), at the University of Prince Edward Island, Canada. He is also Vice-President of the
Prince Edward Island Association of Newcomers to Canada, Visiting Professor of Sociology
at the University of Malta, Malta and Executive Editor of Island Studies Journal. Godfrey
Baldacchino can be contacted at: [email protected]
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doc_577400003.pdf
This paper aims to conceptualize and illustrate how some island societies – in spite of their
apparent openness, vibrant tourist economies and generally welcoming disposition – develop
exclusionary attitudes to a range of immigrants, resulting in effective limits to their much vaunted
hospitality culture.
International Journal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research
Come visit, but don't overstay: critiquing a welcoming society
Godfrey Baldacchino
Article information:
To cite this document:
Godfrey Baldacchino, (2012),"Come visit, but don't overstay: critiquing a welcoming society", International J ournal of Culture, Tourism and
Hospitality Research, Vol. 6 Iss 2 pp. 145 - 153
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Come visit, but don’t overstay: critiquing a
welcoming society
Godfrey Baldacchino
Abstract
Purpose – This paper aims to conceptualize and illustrate how some island societies – in spite of their
apparent openness, vibrant tourist economies and generally welcoming disposition – develop
exclusionary attitudes to a range of immigrants, resulting in effective limits to their much vaunted
hospitality culture.
Design/methodology/approach – In the context of a global review, the paper reports a qualitative
study of immigrant experiences and perceptions from 2005 empirical survey data, as well as the
personal observations of the author on Prince Edward Island, Canada’s smallest and only fully island
province.
Findings – While the bonding social capital of island communities tends to be strong, their bridging
social capital tends to be weak. Other aspects of island life – including perceptions of smallness,
af?rmation of island identity, high population density, gentri?cation, the threat of invasion and the fear of
the other – impact on the interaction of the ‘‘come heres’’ with the ‘‘from heres’’. The paper shows
divisions in islander attitudes between (short-term stay) tourists and (longer-term stay) immigrants in
sharp relief.
Research limitations/implications – This analysis queries research assumptions about service,
hospitality and tourism and provides a conceptual framework for the dynamics of visitation to island
destinations.
Practical implications – These ?ndings critique service quality, relationship management and attitudes
to potential clients.
Originality/value – The paper connects immigration research to attitudes to tourism, using an island
studies lens as its analytical tool and provides an insightful view of the contested dynamics of place,
notions of hospitality and exclusion.
Keywords Islands, Invasion, Prince Edward Island, Welcoming society, Come from away, Tourism,
Immigration
Paper type Case study
1. Prologue
I’ve built walls.
A fortress deep and mighty.
That none may penetrate.
I have no need of friendship; friendship causes pain.
Its laughter and its loving I disdain.
I am a rock, I am an Island (Simon and Garfunkel, 1965).
Islands have become the quintessential and most evocative tourist locales (Baum, 1996;
Baum et al., 2000; King, 1993; Go¨ ssling and Wall, 2007). They are amongst the world’s most
penetrated tourism destinations (McElroy, 2006). Small populations, limited land area,
limited land to coast ratio, and typically high population densities exacerbate their
penetrability. No wonder that some islanders have reacted negatively to tourism, even
though they realize that the industry is a crucial contributor to their economic well-being
DOI 10.1108/17506181211233072 VOL. 6 NO. 2 2012, pp. 145-153, Q Emerald Group Publishing Limited, ISSN 1750-6182
j
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CULTURE, TOURISM AND HOSPITALITY RESEARCH
j
PAGE 145
Godfrey Baldacchino is
Canada Research Chair
(Island Studies) in the
Department of Sociology,
University of Prince Edward
Island, Charlottetown,
Canada.
Received: October 2009
Revised: March 2010
Accepted: July 2010
An earlier version of this paper
was presented at ‘ ‘Connecting
Worlds: Emigration,
Immigration and Development
in Insular Spaces’’, an
international conference held at
Angra do Hero? ´smo, Terceira
Island, Azores, Portugal, May
2008. The author’s sincere
thanks go to Lucinda Fonseca
and colleagues who organized
this event, as well as Russell
King, Richard G. Bedford and
anonymous reviewers for
useful, critical comments.
Disclaimer: The views
expressed in this paper are
those of the author and not
attributable to any association
or organization with which the
author has af?liation.
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(Boissevain, 1996). Revealingly, both the irritation index (or irridex) developed by Doxey
(1975) and the self-destruct theory of tourism proposed by Holder (1988), were developed
from ?eldwork in the island Caribbean.
Most islanders have developed a sanguine accommodation to short-term visitors, who
arguably add value to the local economy. With the increasing popularity of cruise ship tourism,
the meaning of short-term visitors has taken a new meaning in recent years, and rede?ned in
terms of hours. However, these same islanders can ?nd themselves generally uncomfortable,
suspicious, if not hostile to longer-termsojourners. These can even include returning islanders
who often ?nd out that they may have become foreigners in/to their own island, and treated
with some suspicion by the entrenched locals (e.g. King and Strachan, 1980). The dynamics
of weak bridging social capital (Woolcock and Narayan, 2000) or weak social ties
(Granovetter, 1973) come into play to exclude, often subtly, these longer term sojourners from
integrating fully into the island way of life, acting also as tacit mechanisms for con?rming and
locking their status as visitors and therefore implicitly encouraging them to leave and relocate.
The effects of gentri?cation (Clark et al., 2007; Marjavaara, 2007; Jackson, 2007), and the
threat of invasion, ride over and feed into the fear of the other, developing a nervousness
between the insiders who are from here and the outsiders or others who are from away (King
and Connell, 1999). These tensions emerge from ethnographic studies of such island
communities as Grand Manan Island (in New Brunswick, Canada) and Whalsay (in Shetland,
Scotland) (see Marshall, 1999, 2003, and Cohen, 1987, respectively).
This paper ?eshes out these dynamics with particular reference to an island jurisdiction even
as its provincial government promotes a proactive immigration strategy to increase its
population (PEI Population Secretariat, 2008). Prince Edward Island is Canada’s smallest
and only fully enisled province, and since 2003 is the author’s home.
2. De?nitional messiness
For all their beguiling geographical simplicity, islands are notoriously dif?cult to de?ne. An
island is not just any piece of land surrounded by water, since minimal and maximal size
thresholds, tidal effects and the presence of any ?xed links are considerations which invariably
play a role in determining the validity of certain candidates for that status (e.g. Depraetere and
Dahl, 2007; Baldacchino, 2007). An even more daunting raft of ambiguities concerns the
de?nition of islander. While many do take pride in the fact of having been born and bred on a
particular island, most of today’s islanders can trace their lineage to ancestors who were not.
Even before the wave of European colonization, life on many islands, especially the smaller
ones, was often only possible, paradoxically, because of the ability to leave them(Newitt, 1992,
p. 11). Moreover, most islanders increasingly spend time off their island: in other parts of their
island territory (in the case of archipelagos); and, increasingly, in metropolitan (and continental)
heartlands for work, business, shopping, education, adventure, self-discovery, escape, exile
and/or settlement. Emigration is often the only viable exit option to the pervasive and sti?ing
totality, monopoly and intimacy of the local socio-cultural environment (Baldacchino, 1997).
Few islanders have never been away; and, at any point in time, a signi?cant percentage of an
island population may be away at its respective metropole (Lowenthal, 1987, pp. 41-3).
Migration characterizes islands and islanders (Connell, 2007, p. 455). Islanders have a
higher propensity to migrate to developed countries (Connell and King, 1999). For various
island households, migration becomes a strategic resource, since offspring sent away can
be expected to inject remittances, in cash or in kind, into the home economy: in some
instances (such as Cape Verde, the Philippines, Samoa and Tonga), these ?scal injections
are signi?cant contributions to the island jurisdiction’s gross national product (Ahlburg and
Brown, 1998). In more recent times, thanks to the general popularization of air travel and the
improved security of international and cross-boundary travel – albeit with some dramatic
exceptions – migration to and from islands has taken a different tack, since people can now
enjoy the increasing possibility of living in, and also becoming a citizen of, more than one
place/country. That some 90 countries allowdual citizenship is indicative (CBCNews, 2006).
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Of course, this also means that the de?nition of an islander is increasingly blurred. Currently,
eligibility to vote, if also de?ned by physical presence, is contestable. The life histories of
small islanders, meticulously documented, reveal a complex juggling of the pros and cons of
home and away. Isaac Caines, from the Caribbean island of St Kitts (pro?led in Richardson,
1983, pp. 54-55), Kawagl, fromthe Melanesian South Paci?c (Brook?eld, 1972, pp. 167-168),
and Marshy, a Jamaican street vendor (Wardle, 2002), all demonstrate an uncanny skill in the
economies and temporalities of scope (as against scale), which include entrepreneurship
and ?exible specialization, both at home and abroad.
These islanders are examples of today’s nomads or transnationals, a speci?c pattern of
de-territorialized and cross-boundary migration that challenges the concept of the
temporality and spatiality of homeness (Duval, 2004; Hatziprokopiou, 2004; Vertovec,
2001) as well as the boundaries and sovereignty of states. They are glocals, being both
global and local in orientation (Connell and King, 1999, p. 2; Jolly, 2001), exploiting both
roots and routes (Clifford, 1997; DeLoughrey, 2007). As with many contemporary knowledge
professionals who move around wherever their work may take them (e.g. O
´
Riain, 2000), the
island periphery as a ?nite place is reinvented and reimagined as a platform for sorties into
the wider world. As, for example, in Newfoundland and Labrador:
With the call of big money jobs in Alberta, thousands of workers from the province have taken to
commuting back and forth across the country, for weeks or months at a time (Porter, 2007).
3. Islander engagement with visitors
Strange therefore, that islanders may acknowledge the virtues of mobility as they apply to
themselves, but disapprove once they are applied or extended to others. Strange that they
may value their own glocality (after Robertson, 1995), but then can become concerned,
?ercely nationalistic or xenophobic when considering others as glocal by spending
considerable time on their own island turf. Such an intrusion is an (other) invasion: seen as
unfair and unjusti?able, and a threat to the fragile island fabric. This is a fragility enhanced by
unease with globalization, a love-hate relationship with their inevitable cultural and economic
openness, and a real concern with the implications of additional sojourners in the context of
what is seen as a zero-sum resource game.
And so, resident islanders tend to enjoy and sustain a mythology that suggests a clear and
pure local identity. They could easily share such an af?nity with those others who have
emigrated from the island periphery and who revisit the island under some guise or other: as
tourists, as secondary residents, as retirees. Former islanders who have made their home
elsewhere but visit their former island home, as well as non-islanders who shuttle between
island and non-island homes, can all be easily considered as tourists, especially when they
behave as such. These tourists will also stand out fromthe general tourist noise: they tend to
spend more time visiting and staying with locals, they are more reluctant to frequent
commercialized tourist products as well as shun hotels and motels. The duration of their stay
is typically longer, and they are environmentally friendlier. Still, sooner or later, they will leave.
As long as they leave their money in the host economy, their presence is tolerable. At worst,
they raise the price of property and may displace permanent residents by their demand for
retirement or second homes: some island jurisdictions (such as A
?
land, Bermuda,
Gala´ pagos, Jersey and Malta) have legislation in place meant to prevent such from
happening, or to mitigate its impact; while others (especially in the South Paci?c) are
shielded from this dynamic because of the communal ownership of land (Baldacchino,
2006a, p. 858).
Tourists tend to be de?ned by their relatively short stay in the country of visitation. Once the
length of stay starts to increase, and tends towards becoming open-ended, then such
sojourners tend to be shifted by the locals to another category: that of newcomers, settlers,
or those come from away (CFA). Here the paper turns to illustrate some of these
insider-outsider dynamics in a speci?c island context.
Of course, geography and history conspire to render islands differently suited for migration.
On the basis of the typology suggested by Warrington and Milne (2007), island settlements
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have featured prominently as sites of deliberate repopulation strategies; island entrepoˆ ts
have acted as magnets for signi?cant incoming and circulating population movements and
diversity; while island fortresses appear better suited at keeping newcomers away. Connell
and King (1999, p. 3), echoing Churchill Semple (1911), observe that islands which ?nd
themselves at important crossroads – in a nodal location – tend to attract immigrants and
may thus be challenged by overpopulation; whereas those which ?nd themselves isolated,
on the periphery, may ?nd themselves better adept at sending people away and may suffer
stagnant, ageing and or declining populations in the outcome.
In this paper, reviews a peripheral island exemplary: Prince Edward Island. An Islander can
be born, and only be born, on PEI – once an islander, always an islander. There is no other
way of securing that status; and, once secured, the standing cannot be lost. Anyone else is a
CFA (come from away). This is a practice rampant in Atlantic Canada, of which PEI is one of
four provinces, as well as parts of the North-Eastern USA. The practice documents a host
clannishness that, while not meant to be malicious or exclusionary, nevertheless can turn out
to be so in its consequences, thus effectively shuts out, and thwarts immigrants fromsettling
down and integrating in their new island community. An awareness of such a dynamic is
important for a more holistic understanding of destination management strategies.
4. Failing to plug in
There is no such thing as a former Islander. When you are Island-born, you are one forever, no
matter where you have to exist when you are not fortunate enough to be here (Dobson, 2008).
Like the other three Atlantic Provinces of Canada (New Brunswick, Newfoundland and
Labrador, and Nova Scotia), PEI ?nds itself experiencing a very particular kind of
immigration. Canada as a whole accepts some 250,000 immigrants annually; but less than 3
percent of these move to settle in the Atlantic Provinces; and of those who do, around half
soon relocate west. Atlantic Canada is thus almost immune to the immigration phenomenon.
Its mono-cultural fabric – White, Anglophone, Christian, Heterosexual (Baldacchino, 2006b,
pp. 15-75) – left largely undisturbed. The condition makes for what Anthony D. Smith (1991)
describes as an ethnie: a pre-national, ethno-cultural group that shares a collective name, a
myth of descent, a shared history, a distinctive shared culture, an association with a
particular territory, and a sense of solidarity.
In contrast, and reinforcing this cultural framework, Prince Edward Island is increasingly in
the sights of Americans from New England priced out of beach houses at home. A dream
house with 900 feet (272 metres) of seafront sold on PEI in September 2004 for a relatively
affordable US$229,000: around Cdn$300,000 or e200,000 at the time (Tutelian, 2006). This
increased demand froman af?uent market is expected to exert upward pressure on the cost
of property, especially that of secondary homes and coastal cottages. Already 15 percent of
waterfront properties are owned by foreigners, even though the latter pay a higher property
tax than all-year-round residents. The current credit crunch may bring a reprieve, but this is
likely to be temporary.
In the autumn of 2005, I (myself a CFA) conducted a qualitative survey of recent settlers to
Prince Edward Island: recent meaning those who had moved to the province with a view to
settling there since 1998 and before 2003. The survey’s main objective was to move beyond
faceless statistics, identifying the real-life stories and narratives of why people had chosen to
move to PEI, had chosen to stay, or else were planning to leave. Within three months, a
snowballing strategy had identi?ed 320 respondents who agreed to complete a
questionnaire (either web-based or in hard copy) or else consented to being interviewed
by the principal investigator of by trained graduate students (Baldacchino, 2006b).
A settler is not, however, the best way to describe the survey respondents. A fair amount of
messiness was lurking in the survey database. To the frustration and chagrin of the social
scientist, immigrants tend to constitute a ?uid, mobile category. Some settlers, clearly, were
not intent on settling. Some had come to settle on Prince Edward Island, left, and then
decided to come back again. Some, especially the more af?uent or entrepreneurial, were
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living for one, two, four and up to eight months in the province, mainly in summer, every year.
Other settlers reveal a willingness to consider moving to other destinations, if the right
opportunity presented itself. Just over 11 percent of the 320 respondents to the 2005 study
claimed to be actively planning to leave PEI (Baldacchino, 2006b, p. 7). Indeed, referring to
1991-2006 inter-census data, PEI has the second lowest provincial immigrant retention rate
in the country: 51 percent of immigrants to PEI leave the province for good within two years of
getting there. This proportion estimated to swell up to 75 percent in the case of refugees
(Smith Green and Associates, 2001, p. 6).
A total of 35 of the surveyed recent immigrants to PEI have articulated the reasons why they
claimed to be actively considering leaving the Island (no pre-selected categories were
available in this exercise). The data below provide some interesting insights as to the
welcoming capacity of the Prince Edward Island community (with its total population of
140,000 on 5,660 km
2
) and what is needed for an island periphery to hold on better, or
longer, to those who do make the move to settle there (see Table I).
Surprisingly, the most common single explanation for the desire to relocate from the Island
alleges that islanders are close-minded. Perceptions are that PEI society is a patronage
driven, cliquist, conservative society in which who’s your father is a more important detail
than objective and certi?able skill and merit in advancing career and social mobility, privacy
is eroded and gossip is rife. By virtue of not being part of this intricately webbed community
– part of the survival package of islanders in the face of globalization – immigrants cannot,
or are not allowed to, ?t in. This condition may also be one of the reasons why they are forced
to self-employment (Baldacchino and Fall, 2008). They feel distrusted and discriminated
against; valued just for the money they inject into the local economy, and welcomed only as
long as they are temporarily servicing the local labor market, starved of human resources:
I feel that, unless one is from PEI, he or she is looked down on. I have felt this while trying to gain
and maintain employment. I have had employers tell me that they have received calls
complaining about the hiring of someone from away in positions (respondent no. 100).
PEI doesn’t treat people as persons who have potential or ability; they treat people as
sub-categories, such as a daughter of this politician or important member of this party, etc. [. . .]
So, people who came from outside have no possibility to get jobs, bene?ts or social trust
(respondent no. 134).
Social life here is nearly non-existent; people are casually friendly, but most don’t want you to
invade their space. I have made one friend from amongst Islanders; all the others are from away
(respondent no. 166).
I have found my extra education and skills of no value here. A case of not what you knowbut who’s
your Daddy [. . .] I have also found that Islanders are super?cially friendly and welcoming. There is
great prejudice to people from away that grows increasingly wearing as time goes on [. . .]
(respondent no. 269).
Table I Reasons for actively planning to leave PEI
Answers to Question 22: Are you actively planning to leave PEI? If Yes, why are you planning to leave PEI?
Reasons No. of responses
Social The close-mindedness of islanders and their attitude with
regards to ‘‘Come From Aways’’
20
Economic (1) High taxes and more expensive cost of living (including
bridge toll); unsuitable (e.g., seasonal) employment;
relatively low wages and salaries
16
Economic (2) Limited job prospects, impossibility to specialize and other
career limitations
11
Cultural Limited cultural programme and absence of multiculturalism 3
Other Health care, education, insurance, winter, family,
unspeci?ed
10
Notes: Respondents ¼ 35; various respondents offered more than one reason
Source: Baldacchino (2006b, pp. 40-1)
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While some of these reactions are to be expected, the extent to which the clannishness of the
host community acts as an obstacle to integration and an inducement to leave for those who
do not belong is probably surprising. Those who come from away and settle best in
peripheral areas may be actually those who were born and/or bred in those regions anyway,
and who can connect with family and friends. Still, even though they may come without a
history, they may ?nd themselves easily dragged into that sterile, sti?ing partisan pettiness
that may have been one of the reasons for their departure from the island in the ?rst place
(The Economist, 2003).
Apparently, for those who do take the risk and try and come over to settle in the periphery –
including a growing swathe of urban refugees (Forsythe, 1980) – what is necessary is a better
coming to terms with the intricate social network and gemeinschaft (community) type societies
(after To¨nnies, 2001), in which those who live on islands (as in remote rural communities) often
grow up without much choice or notice, but which create serious dif?culties of integration for
those who are not from here. This condition can lead to tensions and con?icts in local politics
involving those immigrants who stay nevertheless, but is just as likely to lead to exasperated
newcomers, sooner or later, packing their bags and moving on, and thus reinforcing the
uniformity of the local cultural space. Indeed, peripheral communities tend to be more
mono-ethnic and mono-cultural than mainstreamones, makingoutsiders stand out even more.
A strong cultural norm of sameness (Government of Prince Edward Island, 1999, p. 56), while
rightfully celebrating distinctive identity, history and culture, becomes less open and attractive
to those who are, are seen to be, or are made to feel, different.
Thus, island communities may be, and typically may think of themselves as being, very
friendly and welcoming to visitors – and especially so in the context of a tourism industry.
Yet, visitors may ?nd connection and engagement with these communities problematic if
they decide to extend their stay . . . perhaps inde?nitely. As one respondent to the 2005 study
insightfully opined:
Islanders seem to welcome people who come to visit for a short time and then leave with open
arms, but are very guarded about people who come to stay (respondent no. 215).
5. Conclusion
Many choose to settle in Prince Edward Island because of the quality of life, slower tempo,
affordable housing and friendly people. (PEI Population Secretariat, 2008)
The topos of an island appropriately conveys the complex relations between a given identity
and the estrangement from this same identity (Bongie, 1998, p. 18). In its double identity of
openness and closure, an island is on one hand rooted in tradition, isolation, culture and
history; a place of refuge engulfed in claustrophobia whose only escape is exile (ex-isle).
Still, at the same time, the island is well routed and connected to the world beyond via trade,
migration, tourism, and biotic, cultural and material imports. Without these, the island life
forms simply would not survive (Clifford, 1997; Baldacchino, 2004). While an island’s
geography speaks severance and insularity, its history speaks contact and articulation
(Warrington and Milne, 2007). Much islander nervousness traces to this inescapable,
dif?cult-to-admit dependency on what lies beyond the horizon.
Whether perched on cross-roads or peripheries, islanders must reconcile themselves to
bearing glocal identities. Manifestations of xenophobia, banal nationalism, cultural
idiosyncrasies, tight social bonding, super?cial welcoming dispositions, even the
invention of tradition, are perhaps attempts at reclaiming space otherwise felt to be fragile
and susceptible to invasion and adulteration. No wonder islanders get nervous when those
who come from away do not just come for a visit, but overstay.
Island fortresses today no longer try to repel the golden hordes (Turner, 1975). Instead, they
welcome visitors as key contributors to their economies, obliged as many of these islands
are to a dependency on external revenues. Hotels and restaurants have become major
employers in many small island economies. The construction and real estate sectors have
also thrived from this exogenous interest in places small, enisled and peripheral.
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And yet, ebullient hospitality appears to have its limits. Islanders do not take to their new role
in the global tourism industry passively, and not always kindly. Their acquiescence to play
the economic game and reap its ?scal bene?ts can be contrasted by an uncanny (even if
involuntary or implicit) ability to create inviolate social, cultural and even physical spaces in
which the ubiquitous foreigner will not enter, or linger. Local languages and dialects, tight
social networks and family-based community life are some of the strategies that present a
modicum of localism, even whilst thoroughly penetrated by the global tourism industry, and
its demands for service-oriented happy natives:
And a rock feels no pain;
And an island never cries (I am a Rock, I am an Island, Simon and Garfunkel, 1965).
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About the author
Godfrey Baldacchino is Professor of Sociology and Canada Research Chair (Island
Studies), at the University of Prince Edward Island, Canada. He is also Vice-President of the
Prince Edward Island Association of Newcomers to Canada, Visiting Professor of Sociology
at the University of Malta, Malta and Executive Editor of Island Studies Journal. Godfrey
Baldacchino can be contacted at: [email protected]
VOL. 6 NO. 2 2012
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