Description
Case Study on Understanding Self-Initiated Expatriates: Career Experiences of Lebanese Self-Initiated Expatriates in France:- Career describes an individuals' journey through learning, work and other aspects of life. There are a number of ways to define a career and the term is used in a variety of ways.
FE A T URE A RT I CL E
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Case Study on Understanding Self-Initiated Expatriates: Career Experiences of Lebanese Self-Initiated Expatriates in France
In tr o d u c tio n
Brewster, & Suutari, 2008) and (b) the immigration literature is mainly concerned with macroeconomic-related mat-
There are two separate bodies of literature that ex- plore the labor market positions of workers who have, on their
own initiative, decided to live and work
abroad: (a) the self-initiated expatriation literature focuses on individuals who moved abroad on their own (Jokinen,
ters, including brain gain, brain drain, and immigrants' remittances. Both literatures largely omit discussing the ca- reer experiences of immigrants from developing countries (Al Ariss, in press; Zikic, Bonache, & Cerdin, 2008). Our article attempts to bridge this knowledge gap by focusing
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on the career experiences of immigrants who self-initiated their expatriation on a permanent basis from Lebanon to France. The difference between self-initiated expatriates and immigrant workers often remains implicit in these literatures and they appear as mutually exclusive. Both forms of expatriation are, in fact, not so different; many selfinitiated expatriates stay on a permanent basis and thus become permanent immigrants. This article draws on interviews with 43 Lebanese skilled immigrants and six French policymakers and immigration specialists, as well as an extensive review of documents on immigration and labor policy. Based on this field study with skilled Lebanese immigrants in France, we expose three inadequacies, at the micro, meso, and macro levels, in the extant literature: (1) at the micro-individual level, the literature ignores the self- initiated expatriation experiences of individuals from developing countries, regions upon which strict immi- gration controls are imposed, and minority groups that experience higher levels of ethnic discrimination, disad- vantage, and exclusion; (2) at the meso-organizational level, this literature also fails to engage with gender inequities as well as disparities in the choices and op- portunities of self-initiated expatriates; and (3) at the macro-contextual level, the literature does not explore the interconnected nature of immigration, immigration policy, and self-initiated expatriates. We address these three inadequacies in this article.
reviewing the Self-expatriation L ite r a tu r e
Expatriation is an amorphous concept that mainly refers to international assignments or, in other words, corporate expatriation, which is generally a form of temporary international relocation of individuals by organizations (Suutari, 2003). Another form of expatriation (i.e., self-initiated) has been recently discussed in the management literature. Unlike international assignees, self-initiated expatriates are not sent by their companies but rather travel on their own initiative and thus do not benefit from organizational sup- port. The literature on self-initiated expatriation is mainly concerned with the temporary travel of young people com- ing from developed countries such as New Zealand, Austra- lia, and the United Kingdom (Doherty & Dickmann, 2008; Inkson & Myers, 2003; Suutari & Brewster, 2000). Self- initiated expatriates are conceptualized as free agents who cross organizational and national borders, unobstructed by barriers that constrain their career choices (Inkson, Arthur, Pringle, & Barry, 1997). Self-initiated expatriation is also considered a career-enhancing experience, as it can
contribute to the development of work-related and per- sonal skills. For example, Richardson and McKenna (2003) investigated career experiences of 30 British self-initiated expatriates (16 women and 14 men) living in New Zealand, Singapore, Turkey, and the United Arab Emirates. Their findings suggested that the professional experience gained abroad had been beneficial for the career development of this group of expatriates. Recent studies that compared selfinitiated and corporate expatriates in terms of career motivation indicate that both are engaged in the pursuit of personal and professional international career develop- ment (Cerdin & Le Pargneux, 2008). The literature on self-initiated expatriation appears to have three inadequacies when accounting for the experiences of self-initiated expatriates. First, this literature has a tendency to ignore skilled immigrants from developing countries. These remain as "an almost hidden aspect of the international labor market" (Jokinen et al., 2008, p. 979). Therefore, the career experience of self-initiated expatriates from developing countries is underexplored. However, it is important to study expatriates from develop- ing countries traveling to more developed ones, as they constitute a pool of international human resources that of- fers organizations alternatives to traditional corporate ex- patriation (Bonache & Zárraga-Oberty, 2008). Moreover, immigrant workers are known to face more administrative barriers in obtaining visas and work permits, and this often leads to stronger career constraints. Drawing on interviews with 50 New Zealanders, Inkson and Myers (2003) found that when self-initiated expatriates did not get appropriate visas and work permits, they ended up working in jobs that did not suit their qualifications. Adding to this, organiza- tions and institutions in the host countries often discredit expatriates' education and professional experiences, lead- ing to an underuse of their skills (Carr, Inkson, & Thorn, 2005). However, no empirical evidence is provided in this literature regarding how selfinitiated expatriates cope with the underuse of their skills. In this article, we explore the range of choices that Lebanese self-initiated expatriates make in the context of working in France. Second, studies on self-initiated expatriation remain silent with respect to the significance of gender in accounting for the career experiences of self-initiated expatriates. One exception is Myers and Pringle (2005), who investigated the influence of gender. They conducted qualitative interviews with 26 women and 24 men from New Zealand and found that self-initiated expatriate women accrued more benefits from their international experience than men in terms of accelerated career de- velopment, more interesting job opportunities, and an increase in capital accumulation.
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Finally, the self-initiated expatriation literature excludes findings from studies on immigration. Self-initi- ated expatriates, especially those who remain on a more or less permanent basis in host countries, can also be considered labor immigrants. Similarly, the immigration literature does not make use of self-expatriation literature. Although the need for labor immigration is widely recognized in the immigration literature (Santos & PostelVinay, 2003), the literature rarely focuses on immigrants' human resource management issues. Immigration studies investigate the macro-level advantages and disadvantages for the sending and receiving countries, such as in terms of economic benefits and knowledge-transfer matters (i.e., brain drain and brain gain). However, they overlook the management of skilled immigrants in organizational settings (Docquier, Lohest, & Marfouk, 2005). The field study that underpins this article attempts to address the three inadequacies in the extant literature on self-initiated expatriation. The article discusses the negative consequences of the underutilization of the skills of selfinitiated expatriates through unemployment, underemployment, and discrimination, and also discusses the implications for organizations if these issues were addressed. The next section sets the historical scene for the selfinitiated expatriation of skilled Lebanese to France. It provides an assessment of the contextual peculiarities that account for the way in which the management of Lebanese self-initiated expatriates in France has evolved.
The relative political stability and superior economic prospects that France offered, coupled with the cultural similarities between the two countries, deemed France a viable destination for the Lebanese.
the History of Lebanese Immi g r a tio n t o fr ance
The historical relations between Lebanon and France help to explain the current social, economic, and political positioning of Lebanese expatriates in France. The rela- tions between the two countries have been characterized by periods of colonization and immigration. Lebanon is an Arabic country located in Western Asia. After the First World War, France occupied Lebanon as a mandated territory until Lebanon gained its independence in 1943 (Khater, 2001). Since Lebanese independence, powersharing problems between religious groups in Lebanon have been an issue, and in 1975 they led to a civil war that lasted 15 years. Throughout the last decade, the Lebanese have rarely enjoyed peace and economic prosperity. Since 1975, many Lebanese have emigrated in search of work opportunities and better life prospects. In the year 2000, skilled emigration constituted about 38% of the overall Lebanese emigration (Docquier et al., 2005). There were several waves of Lebanese migration to France. Those who arrived before 1975 were from
the middle and upper classes, well educated, fluent in French, and wealthy (Kemp, 1992). Many came in pursuit of higher education rather than permanent settlement. These early expatriates relied on money sent from Leba- non in order to maintain their stay in France (Abdelhady, 2006). However, by the mid-1980s, the economic prob- lems in Lebanon inverted many of these trends. In stark contrast to the earlier expatriates, the sojourn of the Leba- nese in France became more permanent and immigrants started sending remittances to their families in Lebanon (Dibeh, 2005). The relative political stability and superior economic prospects that France offered, coupled with the cultural similarities between the two countries, deemed France a viable destination for the Lebanese. The Lebanese in France have been building on cultural, social, and economic resources that have been rarely explored in the literature. The literature describes them as successful immigrants who adapted into main- stream society. For example, Abdulkarim (1996) reported that the majority of the Lebanese in France are of the professional class, working in management, engineering, medicine, and the press.
Setting the Scene of Labor Immigration to france
France offers a relatively long history and a troubled context for labor immigration. Prior to 1970, immigrants
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came to France from Italy, Spain, Portugal, and northern Africa in order to fill unskilled job vacancies. This period was followed by economic stagnation, leading to a limited need for a foreign workforce. Instead of returning to their home countries, immigrants, mostly men, remained in France and brought their wives and children through family reunification schemes (Stamm, 2006). Since 1974, French immigration policies have been limiting the entry of labor immigrants (Ferrand, 2008). Disparities exist between native French citizens and immigrants in terms of job opportunities and political representation (Bennhold, 2005). Youth of minority ethnic background face discrimination when integrat- ing into the job market (Cediey & Foroni, 2007). More- over, minority ethnic workers are underrepresented in political and economic spheres (Stamm, 2006). In November 2005, inequalities, coupled with political tensions around immigration matters in France, re- sulted in clashes between police and immigrants in Paris suburbs and led to thousands of burnt cars and destroyed shops. In 2007, the presidential campaign focused on the need for controlling immigration with the objective of increasing the share of labor immigration (Sarkozy & Fil- lon, 2007). However, governmental procedures remain very selective and complex when it comes to hiring im- migrants from countries outside the European Union (Ferrand, 2008). NonEU workers (with few exceptions) willing to sojourn in France for work purposes are re- quested to find permanent or at least one-year employ- ment contracts. Adding to this, prospective employers have to prove that no other person in France can fill the vacancy in question ("Besoins de maind'oeuvre et poli- tique migratoire," 2006). This involves a long procedure that is discouraging to both prospective employers and employees. Moreover, public-sector jobs and regulated professions such as medicine and law are mainly reserved for EU citizens (Coudert & Richard, 2007).
M e th o d s
The field study of this project draws on 43 qualitative interviews, conducted in 2007 and 2008, with Lebanese skilled immigrants living in Paris. Qualitative in-depth interviews provided rich data about participants' career experiences (Rubin & Rubin, 2005). An additional six qualitative interviews were conducted with policymakers and immigration specialists. These interviews provided information about the dynamics of labor immigration policymaking in France. Furthermore, more than 30 immigration policy documents were analyzed.
Triangulation is used in this research in order to improve the accuracy of findings (McEvoy & Richards, 2006). All interviews were carried out by the first au- thor of this article. When possible, the interviews were digitally recorded. All digitally recorded interviews were transcribed verbatim. Where participants did not agree to be recorded (four cases), detailed notes were taken dur- ing the interview. Additionally, brief observational notes were taken regarding participants' work environments, outside interactions, and facial expressions. This allowed situating the accounts recorded and thus provided better analysis quality. Access to Lebanese interviewees was sought through varied methods in order to ensure adequate participa- tion. The snowballing technique, social contacts, cold calls, and also an Internet address book were utilized. Table 1 details methods of access and the number of par- ticipants acquired through each method of access. The author who conducted the interviews is a Leba- nese living in Paris. Although this allowed for privileged research access, researching immigration in France is a contentious topic and it took considerable time to find interviewees and establish networks to assist in gaining access. Gaining access to female participants was more difficult than gaining access to male participants. To achieve a diverse group of participants in terms of professional experiences, gender, and age, purposeful sampling was used in selecting interviewees (Seidman, 1998). Purposeful sampling permits the researcher to choose participants who are information-rich for in-depth study. The participants' period of self-initiated expatria- tion varied from two to 39 years. Thirty participants had acquired French citizenship at the time of the interview, while most of the others had only Lebanese citizenship. Participants had various educational levels: doctoral (11), master's (22), bachelor's (9), and one had a high school diploma and extensive training and professional experi- ence. All but five of them had done all or part of their studies in France. They were either employed in organiza- tions (28 interviewees), entrepreneurs (12 interviewees), or unemployed (three interviewees). Participants worked
table 1
Methods of Research Access to Immigrants
Number of Cases 21 17 32
Method Snowballing technique Social contacts Cold calls Via Internet guide on Lebanese abroad
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(excluding the three unemployed) in management (22), engineering (13), medicine (three), restaurants (one), and academic (one) professions. Fifteen of them worked in regulated professions. There were 26 participants who
experience identified themselves as having experienced underemployment. Eighteen Lebanese women were interviewed in order to ensure a gender-diverse group of interviewees. Two veiled Muslim women were purposely selected in
Contrary to the of self-initiated expatriates from developed countries, study of self-initiated skilled expatriates from Lebanon, developing country, that this group of experienced structural ers to career
our recognition of the fact that interviewees pointed to difficulties faced by Muslim females who use headscarves in France. Participants were between the ages of 25 and 62; half of them were married and the other half were either
a single or dating. Almost half of them were Muslims, and
the other half were Christians.
suggests Another challenge was access to policymakers in the
field of labor immigration, at both the French and Euro-
immigrants pean levels. More than 50 e-mails and 10 invitation letters were sent to relevant policymaking individuals. The
barridecision to interview immigration specialists came after
two months of unsuccessful attempts to interview policy-
development.
makers. Six qualitative interviews were conducted with those who accepted invitations. The six interviewees were: (a) a policymaker at the Higher Council for Integration (HCI); (b) another one at the International Labor Organization (ILO); (c) two immigration specialists work- ing with immigrants in France; (d) one immigration specialist cooperating with the French government; and (e) a French academic, specializing in human resource management, with expert knowledge of the institutional setting in France. Three of these interviewees were ac- cessed through invitation letters, two of them through the snowballing technique, and one through social contacts. The interviews lasted approximately one hour, and all interviews were conducted in French (except for one in Lebanese). This was practical because the participants lived in France and spoke French with ease. The interview and document data was subjected to thematic coding for the purposes of this article. Three themes, outlined above as gaps in the extant literature, were examined in the data analysis. Upon the completion of coding and analysis, se- lected quotes were translated from French to English and presented in the text in English.
ticle. These were the silences of this literature: (1) in the context of developing countries; (2) in terms of issues of gender; and (3) with particular reference to immigration issues. The findings are presented in this order.
f in d in g s
Three gaps in the extant literature on the management of self-initiated expatriates were identified earlier in this ar-
Career Barriers for Self-Initiated expatriates from Lebanon
The literature on self-initiated expatriates from developed countries suggests that their experiences are rarely marred by structural constraints and exclusionary prac- tices. Contrary to the experience of self-initiated expatri- ates from developed countries, our study of self-initiated skilled expatriates from Lebanon, a developing country, suggests that this group of immigrants experienced struc- tural barriers to career development. A total of 26 of the 43 participants struggled in securing recognition of their professional qualifications and settling their professional worth in France. Their attempts at capital deployment (i.e.,
using their human capital to secure labor market po- sitions) were marked by difficulties in having their qualifi- cations recognized in France. They also faced discrimina- tion when seeking employment. Even when participants found employment, work authorization procedures were complicated, lasted for months, and were costly, a factor that discouraged employers from recruiting them. In contrast to the experiences of skilled expatriates from developed countries, participants of this study de- scribed two main factors that led to the underutilization of their skills in France. First, 17 participants reported general underutilization of their skills. Of the 17, 10 were offered jobs incommensurate with their qualifications, six were not
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allowed to practice their chosen occupations because of their immigrant status, and one had his work permit refused by official authorities even after he found employment. The second form of underutilization was reported by nine female participants as a gender-related difficulty. Among those whose skills were unsuitably utilized, 10 out of 17 experienced job merit-match problems, as they were offered jobs incommensurate with their qualifica- tions. A distinction should be drawn here between two types of jobs available for non-EU citizens in France (i.e., regulated vs. unregulated occupations). Both require work permits, but the institutionalization of various barriers in regulated professions results in non-EU immigrants expe- riencing either delay or failure when it comes to entering these fields. In the case of relatively unregulated profes- sions—such as engineering or business—recognition of the immigrants' qualifications depends on the organiza- tion. In other words, if an employer recognizes the value of an employee's qualifications, no barriers are established by the state against the person's employment. However, among the regulated professions (e.g., medicine and law), employees must either hold French citizenship or pass through a complex selection procedure—established and run by French governmental institutions—before being al- lowed to practice. Accordingly, participants who attempted to work in regulated professions had more administrative difficulties in having their human capital recognized than those in relatively unregulated professions. There were a number of participants who experi- enced involuntary career changes (six out of 17). They were either not able to find work in their professions
Participants who attempted to work in regulated professions had more administrative difficulties in having their human capital recog-
or not allowed to practice their chosen occupations (all but one were in regulated professions) because of their immigrant status. For instance, Samah and Charles, who obtained their law degrees in France, were not working in their chosen occupation at the time of the interview. Samah had initially taken part-time jobs that she described as uninteresting, until obtaining her current position in a bank. Meanwhile, Charles, who was pursuing his PhD at the time of the interview, was working in an administra- tive job that was not relevant to his qualifications. Similar is the case of 62-year-old Mahmoud, who returned to Lebanon after earning his PhD and worked there as a faculty member for several years. However, during the Lebanese civil war, he decided to leave again for France in search of more secure conditions. Mahmoud opted for the entrepreneurial route, setting up his own bookshop and later buying several other bookshops, thereby escaping the discriminatory experiences he faced during his attempts to work in French academic institutions. Another example is that of Wissam, who earned a master's degree in hotel management in France and was successfully employed. However, his work permit was eventually denied and he was therefore obliged to leave France. Such practices re- veal the gaps between the official discourse claiming open- ness toward skilled immigration and the reality lived by immigrants and the organizations that try to hire them. Those who chose to work in regulated professions such as medicine, law, or the public sector were more heavily penalized in their careers. For example, for the three medical doctors who were interviewed (Kamal, Tomasso, and Samir), the only possible work opportuni- ties they had before obtaining French citizenship were part-time medical jobs. In contrast to the professed value of equal opportunity for immigrants in France, French nationals with equivalent qualifications were privileged in terms of job opportunities. Moreover, once participants obtained French citizenship and work permits, they re-
portedly had to work harder than French individuals with equal university education in order to progress in their
careers. This was the case for Tomasso, a 44-year-old radiologist who came to France to do his medical specializa-
tion and then stayed in France. Studies on self-initiated expatriates suggest that expatriation is beneficial for career and personal development (Richardson & McKenna, 2003). Moreover, self-initiated
nized than those in relatively unregulated professions.
expatriates are largely assumed to be able to manage their careers freely, independent of organizational and institutional barriers (Inkson et al., 1997). For instance, selfinitiated expatriation from developing to developed countries is rarely discussed (Zikic et al., 2008). In con- trast, our study reveals that 26 of 43 skilled self-initiated
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expatriates from a developing country experienced downward career mobility, ending up in jobs for which they were overqualified. They also reported experiencing career barriers such as administrative difficulties or dis- criminatory behaviors. Thus, self-initiated expatriation was not beneficial for the career advancement of the ma- jority of the participants of this study. Indeed, our analysis suggests that self-initiated expatriation theories need to be reframed if they are to capture the two-track system that differentiates the experience of skilled expatriates from developing countries from the experience of skilled expatriates from developed countries.
Gender-related Career Barriers in france: Occupational Choices and Constraints
The second gap that we have identified in the literature in relation to self-initiated expatriates is that this litera- ture has a tendency to ignore the significance of gender differences in the experiences of self-initiated expatriates. Lebanese female participants described their employ- ment experiences in the wider context of their profes- sional and family responsibilities (such as child care and domestic work). Interviewees highlighted the constraints that framed women's work and life choices as compared to that of men's, leading to underutilization of their skills or their exclusion from the labor market. Those who were single did not face major career problems, as they had fewer family responsibilities and therefore were able to dedicate more time to their careers. However, those who had children made career choices that best suited their families' needs. Lebanese women were affected by gender and eth- nic discrimination. For example, not only was it difficult for Wafa to find a job because of her immigrant status, but also because she entered the job market later in life, as she had to take care of her children. Similarly, after coming to France, Shadya did not work for the 11 years that she dedicated to her family and children. When her children were grown up, she decided to work again. Shadya was aware of the difficulties she might face by entering the job market later in her life. Thus, she accepted an unpaid job for two years before getting a permanent contract. Another example is Karima, who first came to France to pursue her studies. However, in order to financially support herself and her husband, who was still doing his graduate studies, she accepted a job that did not fit her qualifications. After several at- tempts, Karima failed to be able to pursue her studies and work at the same time. She decided, therefore, to give up her career aspirations for the sake of her family. Yolla, a single female, did not face any gender-related
problems in her career. At the time of entering the job market, she was younger than the other female participants, which increased her employability chances. Religious-based discrimination, especially for Muslim females wearing a veil, was mentioned by participants. Two of the female participants were subject to serious societal discrimination on the basis of their choice of attire. Both were not able to find work in France. One example was Samah, who worked in a French bank. She reported career difficulties linked to being an Arab female, unlike the mainstream employees. In practice, diversity was discouraged in the workplace. For example, Mustafa related the story of a Moroccan Muslim woman who decided to wear a veil at work, knowing that no rules forbade this in the company.
. . . She began wearing a veil. People started speaking badly about her. I often heard people laughing at her and calling her—not to her face—a ninja. I have heard much criticism, eh . . . really very strange! I find it really strange how people who are highly educated . . . can have such negative images of people. Her supervisor didn't want her to wear the veil, so he transferred her to another department where nobody can see her. She has been working in her job I think for six or seven years . . . and from the time she covered, we felt that people had this reaction. So they threw her aside.
In sum, by moving to France, Lebanese women's attachment to their traditional role as mothers, as well as their cultural values, sometimes clashed with the expec- tations of the French organizations, and this prevented their full integration into the labor market. Of course, some of these findings may apply also to other female French citizens having work and family responsibilities. Nevertheless, our findings indicate that gender is a salient issue that remains to date underexplored in the stud- ies of self-initiated expatriates. Gender issues should be further researched in self-initiated expatriation studies, as organizations cannot afford to restrict international human resources, particularly with such unfounded crite- ria. Further research would benefit the organizations in a number of ways, including ensuring the ethical treatment of their employees (Vance, Paik, & White, 2006).
from Self-Initiated expatriation to Immigration: Management of Immigration
The third gap in the literature that we investigated is the apparent disconnection between immigration and selfinitiated expatriation. We drew on interviews with six people involved in immigration policymaking in order to explore these linkages. The term policies can be un-
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derstood here as the interaction of political, financial, and administrative mechanisms that guide governmental actions (Windsor, 2002). Policies studied in this article are related to immigration in general and labor immigra- tion specifically. Immigration policymaking, in this study, determines how labor immigrants are accepted to enter France, as well as their access to employment. It also regu- lates diversity measures practiced in organizations and the sanctions against discrimination. The Higher Council for Integration is a governmen- tal committee established in 1989. Its aim is to advise the government on making policies that allow for better integration of immigrants into French society. In response to an invitation letter that the first author of this article sent to the director of the HCI, the interviewer was given the contacts of a highly ranked manager. Recording was refused in this interview. However, the interviewer was of- fered two policy statements and was allowed to take notes. The interview confirmed that the share of labor immigra- tion will increase in the future. However, no measures have been taken recently to help newcomers integrate into the job market. The interview revealed that the HCI promotes diversity discourse. However, in France, it is illegal to classify people in terms of their ethnicity ("Ana- lyse comparative de différents modèles d'intégration en Europe," 2006). This makes creating equal opportunities in terms of job access for ethnic minorities a challenging task ("Projet de charte de la laïcité dans les services pub- lics," 2007). Three interviews were conducted, in French, with immigration specialists. The decision to interview these individuals came after the first author of this article had serious difficulties in accessing policymakers in France. One interview was conducted with a manager, working in Humanity in Action (HIA) France, who provided written answers to our questions. HIA is an international consortium promoting the protection of the rights of minorities. This interview reflected on the contradictions be- tween the official discourse regarding recruiting labor immigrants and the ways in which they experience inequalities in accessing education and employment in France. This same interviewee criticized the way recent French immigration policies put more restrictions on labor immigrants wanting to bring their family members to France. The other two interviews were conducted with an officer in the Limayon Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) and a key manager in the Bataya social center (these are pseudonyms). The Limayon is an NGO work- ing largely with immigrants in Paris on diversity matters.
Its aim is to promote antidiscrimination education. The Limayon NGO cooperates with the French institutions in order to secure funding for its projects. As for the Bataya social center, it promotes cultural, educational, and professional activities among immigrants in Paris, such as facilitating integration into the French job market. The center relies mainly on state funding. The Limayon NGO and the Bataya social center also organize mutual activities. Interviews with both participants revealed that the government immigration policies are restrictive when it comes to the entry and work of self-initiated expatri- ates coming from developing countries. One of the participants explained that many of the immigrants she meets used to work as engineers, medical doctors, and in other highly qualified professions in their countries of origin. However, they now work in less qualified jobs in France. One interview was secured with Professor Emile Bola (pseudonym), a human resources specialist who has political connections. The interviewee qualified France as being behind, with respect to other European countries and Canada, in attracting skilled immigrants. Accordingly, the only support available to immigrants in France is that offered by NGOs and their organizations (e.g., adopting diversity policies and helping immigrants learn French). To conclude, in contrast to the French policy statements about recruiting skilled immigrants, the field study demonstrated that Lebanese skilled self-initiated expatri- ates encounter difficulties in coming to France and inte- grating into the job market. Interviews with policymakers revealed that institutional mechanisms such as policy interventions do not currently offer appropriate support for non-EU skilled immigrants.
Conclusion
Studies regarding the career experiences of self-initiated expatriates have mainly concerned immigrants from developed countries and have paid little attention to gender issues and the cross-fertilization of ideas with other immigration literature. In this study, we provide insights from a largely omitted group of expatriates—female and male Lebanese immigrants who self-expatriated on a perma- nent basis to France. In this article, we addressed three inadequacies in the self-initiated expatriation literature: (1) at the in- dividual level, we investigated the career experiences of self-initiated expatriates from developing countries; (2) at the mesoorganizational level, gender inequities and disparities in choices and opportunities of female
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self-initiated expatriates were explicated; and (3) at the macro-contextual level, we explored the interconnected nature of immigration, immigration policy, and selfinitiated expatriation. Understanding immigration from developing countries to developed regions of the world is of particular importance. Keeley (2007) identifies the fact that the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries are likely to experience increased difficulties in meeting skill demands in national labor contexts that are characterized by an increasing number of elderly people and decreasing fertility rates. As a result, the United Nations suggests that 674 million persons from developing countries will need to immigrate to the EU (15 countries) between 2000 and 2050 (United Nations, 2000). Therefore, it is essential to understand the labor market experiences of self-initiated immigrants in order to make better use of their contributions to the world of work. Our research unequivocally demonstrates that, in the case of France, the institutional approach to managing labor immigration allows for negative work and career experiences for skilled immigrants from developing countries (Lebanon in this case). The findings with respect to the three gaps in the literature on self-initiated expatriation are summarized in this same order. First, we revealed that self-initiated expatriates' skills, education, and training alone were not sufficient to overcome the structural barriers that restricted their full integration into the labor market in France. Thus, just having a self-initiated expatriate status was not helpful for career advancement. It was found that the approach to the management of immigration in France has allowed inflows of immigrants but at the same time has presented strong career barriers to their labor market integration. This result contradicts previous findings suggesting that self-initiated expatriation is beneficial for career and per- sonal development (Richardson & McKenna, 2003) and that expatriates self-manage their careers, independent of organizational and institutional barriers (Inkson et al., 1997). Our analysis suggests that self-initiated expatriation theories need to be reframed if they are to capture the two- track system that distinguishes the experiences of skilled expatriates from developed countries with that of skilled expatriates from developing countries. Second, in developed countries, there has been an increasing interest in including women as well as minorities in the workforce (Jehn & Bezrukova, 2004). However, the intersectional impact of ethnicity and gender in France has been considerably more detrimental to Lebanese female than male workers, forcing them out of the labor market. The position of Lebanese women in the labor market is rather precarious, as they suffer from invisibility
It was found that the approach to the management of immigration in France has allowed inflows of immigrants but at the same time has presented strong career barriers to their labor market integration.
as ethnic minority labor and as female workers, which makes their conditions doubly challenging. Gender issues need further investigation in the self-expatriation litera- ture if countries and organizations want to ensure ethical treatment of employees and ensure that they benefit from their international labor force (Vance et al., 2006). Third, while research has been forthcoming in terms of the experiences of immigrant workers, there is a wall of silence when it comes to scrutinizing institutional approaches to management of skilled immigrants from developing countries. We demonstrate some of the contradictions inherent in the ostensible immigration policies in France. We contend that it is only possible to understand the experience of self-initiated expatriates in their situated institutional context (Özbilgin, 2006; Syed, 2008). The comparison between immigrants and self-initi- ated expatriates, upon which the international manage- ment literature focuses, is crucial. While the manage- ment literature suggests that expatriates from developed countries can move freely across national boundaries, the reality is that skilled self-initiated expatriates from devel- oping countries face significant barriers in the form of supposedly objective policies and certification processes, which, in fact, render their mobility and labor market integration difficult (Zikic et al., 2008), if not impossible. Our study questions the assumed interdependence of human capital, work performance, and career success, and proposes that ethnic and gender discrimination
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perverts the operation of principles of meritocracy at work. There is clearly more research needed to analyze how institutional attitudes are counterproductive for the competitiveness of organizations that fail to make full use of labor immigrants. Our findings have both theoretical and practical implications. From a theoretical perspective, if the tendency in the past was to view expatriate careers as managed by organizations, the danger in the self-initiated expa- triation literature is to treat careers as solely managed by individuals. Our multilevel investigation indicates the need for considering the relationship between individual, organizational, and contextual perspectives when study- ing career experiences of self-initiated expatriates. More- over, in considering how gender and ethnicity shaped the career experiences of the Lebanese in France, we are encouraged to invite management scholars researching self-initiated expatriation to adopt more interdisciplinary approaches. Just as an example, theories on ethnicity and gender could provide a highly interesting frame for the career choices of self-initiated expatriates. By using in- terdisciplinary approaches, career experiences could be captured in ways that are true to their nature as multilevel and multifaceted phenomena. We contend that the management of self-initiated expatriates by institutions in host countries requires a reframing of their contribution to the labor market in more positive and supportive ways. The traditional
approach of ignoring the existence of ethnic minor- ity workers in France has been counterproductive and has resulted in negative consequences, often leading to downward career mobility. We would like to conclude on a positive note. Skilled self-initiated expatriates constitute a valuable asset in the worldwide economy (Doherty & Dickmann, 2008; Fairlie, 2010). In settings where labor immigration policy is lagging behind, there is a significant role that organizations can play by promoting equality, diversity, and inclusion for selfinitiated expatriate workers, in order to facilitate their unhindered contribution and their integration into economic and social life. There are early signs of such a change of attitude among firms in France that are launching diversity and inclusion ini- tiatives in order to benefit from the untapped potential of immigrants. Recognizing the underutilization of im- migrant and female labor, and the untapped potential of this sector, would allow a considerable competitive edge to national and international firms.
Acknowledgments
An earlier version of this article was presented at the 4th EIASM Workshop on Expatriation in Las Palmas de Gran Canaria (Spain) on October 23-24, 2008. The authors gratefully acknowledge the efforts of the workshop organizers in making this event an excellent academic gathering.
Dr Akram Al Ariss teaches International Human Resource Management (IHRM) and Diversity Management (DM) at Champagne School of Management, ESC Troyes (France). He is affiliated with DECERe i.e., Diversity and Equality in Careers and Employment Research (University of East Anglia, UK) and The Pennsylvania State University (USA). He has a PhD from the Norwich Business School, University of East Anglia. His research focuses on career, diversity, and migration/expatriation. Akram serves as a member of the editorial board of the journal Equality, Diversity, and Inclusion. He reviews for journals such as International Journal of Human Resource Management, Organization, Journal of World Business, and Journal of Management Development among many others. He has worked as visiting fellow at the MBA Europa-Institute, University of Saarland (Germany). He has an extensive experience in management consultancy in Europe and the Middle East and has consulted for multinationals such as Hewlett-Packard (Beirut), Alcatel-Lucent (Paris), Assad Said (KSA), and RATP (Paris).
Mustafa Özbilgin is a professor of human resource management at the Norwich Business School and the co-director of Diversity and Equality in Careers and Employment Research (DECERe). His work focuses on equality and diversity at work. Having obtained a PhD in sex equality in the financial services sector in Britain and Turkey from the Univer- sity of Bristol in 1998, he has previously worked at Queen Mary, the University of London, and at CEPS-INSTEAD (Luxembourg), Cornell University's School of Industrial and Labor Relations (New York), the Japan Institute of Labour Policy and Training (Tokyo), and St. Gallen University (Switzerland) as a visiting fellow. He is the current editor of Equal Opportunities International and the incoming editor of the British Journal of Management.
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Case Study on Understanding Self-Initiated Expatriates: Career Experiences of Lebanese Self-Initiated Expatriates in France:- Career describes an individuals' journey through learning, work and other aspects of life. There are a number of ways to define a career and the term is used in a variety of ways.
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Case Study on Understanding Self-Initiated Expatriates: Career Experiences of Lebanese Self-Initiated Expatriates in France
In tr o d u c tio n
Brewster, & Suutari, 2008) and (b) the immigration literature is mainly concerned with macroeconomic-related mat-
There are two separate bodies of literature that ex- plore the labor market positions of workers who have, on their
own initiative, decided to live and work
abroad: (a) the self-initiated expatriation literature focuses on individuals who moved abroad on their own (Jokinen,
ters, including brain gain, brain drain, and immigrants' remittances. Both literatures largely omit discussing the ca- reer experiences of immigrants from developing countries (Al Ariss, in press; Zikic, Bonache, & Cerdin, 2008). Our article attempts to bridge this knowledge gap by focusing
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on the career experiences of immigrants who self-initiated their expatriation on a permanent basis from Lebanon to France. The difference between self-initiated expatriates and immigrant workers often remains implicit in these literatures and they appear as mutually exclusive. Both forms of expatriation are, in fact, not so different; many selfinitiated expatriates stay on a permanent basis and thus become permanent immigrants. This article draws on interviews with 43 Lebanese skilled immigrants and six French policymakers and immigration specialists, as well as an extensive review of documents on immigration and labor policy. Based on this field study with skilled Lebanese immigrants in France, we expose three inadequacies, at the micro, meso, and macro levels, in the extant literature: (1) at the micro-individual level, the literature ignores the self- initiated expatriation experiences of individuals from developing countries, regions upon which strict immi- gration controls are imposed, and minority groups that experience higher levels of ethnic discrimination, disad- vantage, and exclusion; (2) at the meso-organizational level, this literature also fails to engage with gender inequities as well as disparities in the choices and op- portunities of self-initiated expatriates; and (3) at the macro-contextual level, the literature does not explore the interconnected nature of immigration, immigration policy, and self-initiated expatriates. We address these three inadequacies in this article.
reviewing the Self-expatriation L ite r a tu r e
Expatriation is an amorphous concept that mainly refers to international assignments or, in other words, corporate expatriation, which is generally a form of temporary international relocation of individuals by organizations (Suutari, 2003). Another form of expatriation (i.e., self-initiated) has been recently discussed in the management literature. Unlike international assignees, self-initiated expatriates are not sent by their companies but rather travel on their own initiative and thus do not benefit from organizational sup- port. The literature on self-initiated expatriation is mainly concerned with the temporary travel of young people com- ing from developed countries such as New Zealand, Austra- lia, and the United Kingdom (Doherty & Dickmann, 2008; Inkson & Myers, 2003; Suutari & Brewster, 2000). Self- initiated expatriates are conceptualized as free agents who cross organizational and national borders, unobstructed by barriers that constrain their career choices (Inkson, Arthur, Pringle, & Barry, 1997). Self-initiated expatriation is also considered a career-enhancing experience, as it can
contribute to the development of work-related and per- sonal skills. For example, Richardson and McKenna (2003) investigated career experiences of 30 British self-initiated expatriates (16 women and 14 men) living in New Zealand, Singapore, Turkey, and the United Arab Emirates. Their findings suggested that the professional experience gained abroad had been beneficial for the career development of this group of expatriates. Recent studies that compared selfinitiated and corporate expatriates in terms of career motivation indicate that both are engaged in the pursuit of personal and professional international career develop- ment (Cerdin & Le Pargneux, 2008). The literature on self-initiated expatriation appears to have three inadequacies when accounting for the experiences of self-initiated expatriates. First, this literature has a tendency to ignore skilled immigrants from developing countries. These remain as "an almost hidden aspect of the international labor market" (Jokinen et al., 2008, p. 979). Therefore, the career experience of self-initiated expatriates from developing countries is underexplored. However, it is important to study expatriates from develop- ing countries traveling to more developed ones, as they constitute a pool of international human resources that of- fers organizations alternatives to traditional corporate ex- patriation (Bonache & Zárraga-Oberty, 2008). Moreover, immigrant workers are known to face more administrative barriers in obtaining visas and work permits, and this often leads to stronger career constraints. Drawing on interviews with 50 New Zealanders, Inkson and Myers (2003) found that when self-initiated expatriates did not get appropriate visas and work permits, they ended up working in jobs that did not suit their qualifications. Adding to this, organiza- tions and institutions in the host countries often discredit expatriates' education and professional experiences, lead- ing to an underuse of their skills (Carr, Inkson, & Thorn, 2005). However, no empirical evidence is provided in this literature regarding how selfinitiated expatriates cope with the underuse of their skills. In this article, we explore the range of choices that Lebanese self-initiated expatriates make in the context of working in France. Second, studies on self-initiated expatriation remain silent with respect to the significance of gender in accounting for the career experiences of self-initiated expatriates. One exception is Myers and Pringle (2005), who investigated the influence of gender. They conducted qualitative interviews with 26 women and 24 men from New Zealand and found that self-initiated expatriate women accrued more benefits from their international experience than men in terms of accelerated career de- velopment, more interesting job opportunities, and an increase in capital accumulation.
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Finally, the self-initiated expatriation literature excludes findings from studies on immigration. Self-initi- ated expatriates, especially those who remain on a more or less permanent basis in host countries, can also be considered labor immigrants. Similarly, the immigration literature does not make use of self-expatriation literature. Although the need for labor immigration is widely recognized in the immigration literature (Santos & PostelVinay, 2003), the literature rarely focuses on immigrants' human resource management issues. Immigration studies investigate the macro-level advantages and disadvantages for the sending and receiving countries, such as in terms of economic benefits and knowledge-transfer matters (i.e., brain drain and brain gain). However, they overlook the management of skilled immigrants in organizational settings (Docquier, Lohest, & Marfouk, 2005). The field study that underpins this article attempts to address the three inadequacies in the extant literature on self-initiated expatriation. The article discusses the negative consequences of the underutilization of the skills of selfinitiated expatriates through unemployment, underemployment, and discrimination, and also discusses the implications for organizations if these issues were addressed. The next section sets the historical scene for the selfinitiated expatriation of skilled Lebanese to France. It provides an assessment of the contextual peculiarities that account for the way in which the management of Lebanese self-initiated expatriates in France has evolved.
The relative political stability and superior economic prospects that France offered, coupled with the cultural similarities between the two countries, deemed France a viable destination for the Lebanese.
the History of Lebanese Immi g r a tio n t o fr ance
The historical relations between Lebanon and France help to explain the current social, economic, and political positioning of Lebanese expatriates in France. The rela- tions between the two countries have been characterized by periods of colonization and immigration. Lebanon is an Arabic country located in Western Asia. After the First World War, France occupied Lebanon as a mandated territory until Lebanon gained its independence in 1943 (Khater, 2001). Since Lebanese independence, powersharing problems between religious groups in Lebanon have been an issue, and in 1975 they led to a civil war that lasted 15 years. Throughout the last decade, the Lebanese have rarely enjoyed peace and economic prosperity. Since 1975, many Lebanese have emigrated in search of work opportunities and better life prospects. In the year 2000, skilled emigration constituted about 38% of the overall Lebanese emigration (Docquier et al., 2005). There were several waves of Lebanese migration to France. Those who arrived before 1975 were from
the middle and upper classes, well educated, fluent in French, and wealthy (Kemp, 1992). Many came in pursuit of higher education rather than permanent settlement. These early expatriates relied on money sent from Leba- non in order to maintain their stay in France (Abdelhady, 2006). However, by the mid-1980s, the economic prob- lems in Lebanon inverted many of these trends. In stark contrast to the earlier expatriates, the sojourn of the Leba- nese in France became more permanent and immigrants started sending remittances to their families in Lebanon (Dibeh, 2005). The relative political stability and superior economic prospects that France offered, coupled with the cultural similarities between the two countries, deemed France a viable destination for the Lebanese. The Lebanese in France have been building on cultural, social, and economic resources that have been rarely explored in the literature. The literature describes them as successful immigrants who adapted into main- stream society. For example, Abdulkarim (1996) reported that the majority of the Lebanese in France are of the professional class, working in management, engineering, medicine, and the press.
Setting the Scene of Labor Immigration to france
France offers a relatively long history and a troubled context for labor immigration. Prior to 1970, immigrants
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came to France from Italy, Spain, Portugal, and northern Africa in order to fill unskilled job vacancies. This period was followed by economic stagnation, leading to a limited need for a foreign workforce. Instead of returning to their home countries, immigrants, mostly men, remained in France and brought their wives and children through family reunification schemes (Stamm, 2006). Since 1974, French immigration policies have been limiting the entry of labor immigrants (Ferrand, 2008). Disparities exist between native French citizens and immigrants in terms of job opportunities and political representation (Bennhold, 2005). Youth of minority ethnic background face discrimination when integrat- ing into the job market (Cediey & Foroni, 2007). More- over, minority ethnic workers are underrepresented in political and economic spheres (Stamm, 2006). In November 2005, inequalities, coupled with political tensions around immigration matters in France, re- sulted in clashes between police and immigrants in Paris suburbs and led to thousands of burnt cars and destroyed shops. In 2007, the presidential campaign focused on the need for controlling immigration with the objective of increasing the share of labor immigration (Sarkozy & Fil- lon, 2007). However, governmental procedures remain very selective and complex when it comes to hiring im- migrants from countries outside the European Union (Ferrand, 2008). NonEU workers (with few exceptions) willing to sojourn in France for work purposes are re- quested to find permanent or at least one-year employ- ment contracts. Adding to this, prospective employers have to prove that no other person in France can fill the vacancy in question ("Besoins de maind'oeuvre et poli- tique migratoire," 2006). This involves a long procedure that is discouraging to both prospective employers and employees. Moreover, public-sector jobs and regulated professions such as medicine and law are mainly reserved for EU citizens (Coudert & Richard, 2007).
M e th o d s
The field study of this project draws on 43 qualitative interviews, conducted in 2007 and 2008, with Lebanese skilled immigrants living in Paris. Qualitative in-depth interviews provided rich data about participants' career experiences (Rubin & Rubin, 2005). An additional six qualitative interviews were conducted with policymakers and immigration specialists. These interviews provided information about the dynamics of labor immigration policymaking in France. Furthermore, more than 30 immigration policy documents were analyzed.
Triangulation is used in this research in order to improve the accuracy of findings (McEvoy & Richards, 2006). All interviews were carried out by the first au- thor of this article. When possible, the interviews were digitally recorded. All digitally recorded interviews were transcribed verbatim. Where participants did not agree to be recorded (four cases), detailed notes were taken dur- ing the interview. Additionally, brief observational notes were taken regarding participants' work environments, outside interactions, and facial expressions. This allowed situating the accounts recorded and thus provided better analysis quality. Access to Lebanese interviewees was sought through varied methods in order to ensure adequate participa- tion. The snowballing technique, social contacts, cold calls, and also an Internet address book were utilized. Table 1 details methods of access and the number of par- ticipants acquired through each method of access. The author who conducted the interviews is a Leba- nese living in Paris. Although this allowed for privileged research access, researching immigration in France is a contentious topic and it took considerable time to find interviewees and establish networks to assist in gaining access. Gaining access to female participants was more difficult than gaining access to male participants. To achieve a diverse group of participants in terms of professional experiences, gender, and age, purposeful sampling was used in selecting interviewees (Seidman, 1998). Purposeful sampling permits the researcher to choose participants who are information-rich for in-depth study. The participants' period of self-initiated expatria- tion varied from two to 39 years. Thirty participants had acquired French citizenship at the time of the interview, while most of the others had only Lebanese citizenship. Participants had various educational levels: doctoral (11), master's (22), bachelor's (9), and one had a high school diploma and extensive training and professional experi- ence. All but five of them had done all or part of their studies in France. They were either employed in organiza- tions (28 interviewees), entrepreneurs (12 interviewees), or unemployed (three interviewees). Participants worked
table 1
Methods of Research Access to Immigrants
Number of Cases 21 17 32
Method Snowballing technique Social contacts Cold calls Via Internet guide on Lebanese abroad
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(excluding the three unemployed) in management (22), engineering (13), medicine (three), restaurants (one), and academic (one) professions. Fifteen of them worked in regulated professions. There were 26 participants who
experience identified themselves as having experienced underemployment. Eighteen Lebanese women were interviewed in order to ensure a gender-diverse group of interviewees. Two veiled Muslim women were purposely selected in
Contrary to the of self-initiated expatriates from developed countries, study of self-initiated skilled expatriates from Lebanon, developing country, that this group of experienced structural ers to career
our recognition of the fact that interviewees pointed to difficulties faced by Muslim females who use headscarves in France. Participants were between the ages of 25 and 62; half of them were married and the other half were either
a single or dating. Almost half of them were Muslims, and
the other half were Christians.
suggests Another challenge was access to policymakers in the
field of labor immigration, at both the French and Euro-
immigrants pean levels. More than 50 e-mails and 10 invitation letters were sent to relevant policymaking individuals. The
barridecision to interview immigration specialists came after
two months of unsuccessful attempts to interview policy-
development.
makers. Six qualitative interviews were conducted with those who accepted invitations. The six interviewees were: (a) a policymaker at the Higher Council for Integration (HCI); (b) another one at the International Labor Organization (ILO); (c) two immigration specialists work- ing with immigrants in France; (d) one immigration specialist cooperating with the French government; and (e) a French academic, specializing in human resource management, with expert knowledge of the institutional setting in France. Three of these interviewees were ac- cessed through invitation letters, two of them through the snowballing technique, and one through social contacts. The interviews lasted approximately one hour, and all interviews were conducted in French (except for one in Lebanese). This was practical because the participants lived in France and spoke French with ease. The interview and document data was subjected to thematic coding for the purposes of this article. Three themes, outlined above as gaps in the extant literature, were examined in the data analysis. Upon the completion of coding and analysis, se- lected quotes were translated from French to English and presented in the text in English.
ticle. These were the silences of this literature: (1) in the context of developing countries; (2) in terms of issues of gender; and (3) with particular reference to immigration issues. The findings are presented in this order.
f in d in g s
Three gaps in the extant literature on the management of self-initiated expatriates were identified earlier in this ar-
Career Barriers for Self-Initiated expatriates from Lebanon
The literature on self-initiated expatriates from developed countries suggests that their experiences are rarely marred by structural constraints and exclusionary prac- tices. Contrary to the experience of self-initiated expatri- ates from developed countries, our study of self-initiated skilled expatriates from Lebanon, a developing country, suggests that this group of immigrants experienced struc- tural barriers to career development. A total of 26 of the 43 participants struggled in securing recognition of their professional qualifications and settling their professional worth in France. Their attempts at capital deployment (i.e.,
using their human capital to secure labor market po- sitions) were marked by difficulties in having their qualifi- cations recognized in France. They also faced discrimina- tion when seeking employment. Even when participants found employment, work authorization procedures were complicated, lasted for months, and were costly, a factor that discouraged employers from recruiting them. In contrast to the experiences of skilled expatriates from developed countries, participants of this study de- scribed two main factors that led to the underutilization of their skills in France. First, 17 participants reported general underutilization of their skills. Of the 17, 10 were offered jobs incommensurate with their qualifications, six were not
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allowed to practice their chosen occupations because of their immigrant status, and one had his work permit refused by official authorities even after he found employment. The second form of underutilization was reported by nine female participants as a gender-related difficulty. Among those whose skills were unsuitably utilized, 10 out of 17 experienced job merit-match problems, as they were offered jobs incommensurate with their qualifica- tions. A distinction should be drawn here between two types of jobs available for non-EU citizens in France (i.e., regulated vs. unregulated occupations). Both require work permits, but the institutionalization of various barriers in regulated professions results in non-EU immigrants expe- riencing either delay or failure when it comes to entering these fields. In the case of relatively unregulated profes- sions—such as engineering or business—recognition of the immigrants' qualifications depends on the organiza- tion. In other words, if an employer recognizes the value of an employee's qualifications, no barriers are established by the state against the person's employment. However, among the regulated professions (e.g., medicine and law), employees must either hold French citizenship or pass through a complex selection procedure—established and run by French governmental institutions—before being al- lowed to practice. Accordingly, participants who attempted to work in regulated professions had more administrative difficulties in having their human capital recognized than those in relatively unregulated professions. There were a number of participants who experi- enced involuntary career changes (six out of 17). They were either not able to find work in their professions
Participants who attempted to work in regulated professions had more administrative difficulties in having their human capital recog-
or not allowed to practice their chosen occupations (all but one were in regulated professions) because of their immigrant status. For instance, Samah and Charles, who obtained their law degrees in France, were not working in their chosen occupation at the time of the interview. Samah had initially taken part-time jobs that she described as uninteresting, until obtaining her current position in a bank. Meanwhile, Charles, who was pursuing his PhD at the time of the interview, was working in an administra- tive job that was not relevant to his qualifications. Similar is the case of 62-year-old Mahmoud, who returned to Lebanon after earning his PhD and worked there as a faculty member for several years. However, during the Lebanese civil war, he decided to leave again for France in search of more secure conditions. Mahmoud opted for the entrepreneurial route, setting up his own bookshop and later buying several other bookshops, thereby escaping the discriminatory experiences he faced during his attempts to work in French academic institutions. Another example is that of Wissam, who earned a master's degree in hotel management in France and was successfully employed. However, his work permit was eventually denied and he was therefore obliged to leave France. Such practices re- veal the gaps between the official discourse claiming open- ness toward skilled immigration and the reality lived by immigrants and the organizations that try to hire them. Those who chose to work in regulated professions such as medicine, law, or the public sector were more heavily penalized in their careers. For example, for the three medical doctors who were interviewed (Kamal, Tomasso, and Samir), the only possible work opportuni- ties they had before obtaining French citizenship were part-time medical jobs. In contrast to the professed value of equal opportunity for immigrants in France, French nationals with equivalent qualifications were privileged in terms of job opportunities. Moreover, once participants obtained French citizenship and work permits, they re-
portedly had to work harder than French individuals with equal university education in order to progress in their
careers. This was the case for Tomasso, a 44-year-old radiologist who came to France to do his medical specializa-
tion and then stayed in France. Studies on self-initiated expatriates suggest that expatriation is beneficial for career and personal development (Richardson & McKenna, 2003). Moreover, self-initiated
nized than those in relatively unregulated professions.
expatriates are largely assumed to be able to manage their careers freely, independent of organizational and institutional barriers (Inkson et al., 1997). For instance, selfinitiated expatriation from developing to developed countries is rarely discussed (Zikic et al., 2008). In con- trast, our study reveals that 26 of 43 skilled self-initiated
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expatriates from a developing country experienced downward career mobility, ending up in jobs for which they were overqualified. They also reported experiencing career barriers such as administrative difficulties or dis- criminatory behaviors. Thus, self-initiated expatriation was not beneficial for the career advancement of the ma- jority of the participants of this study. Indeed, our analysis suggests that self-initiated expatriation theories need to be reframed if they are to capture the two-track system that differentiates the experience of skilled expatriates from developing countries from the experience of skilled expatriates from developed countries.
Gender-related Career Barriers in france: Occupational Choices and Constraints
The second gap that we have identified in the literature in relation to self-initiated expatriates is that this litera- ture has a tendency to ignore the significance of gender differences in the experiences of self-initiated expatriates. Lebanese female participants described their employ- ment experiences in the wider context of their profes- sional and family responsibilities (such as child care and domestic work). Interviewees highlighted the constraints that framed women's work and life choices as compared to that of men's, leading to underutilization of their skills or their exclusion from the labor market. Those who were single did not face major career problems, as they had fewer family responsibilities and therefore were able to dedicate more time to their careers. However, those who had children made career choices that best suited their families' needs. Lebanese women were affected by gender and eth- nic discrimination. For example, not only was it difficult for Wafa to find a job because of her immigrant status, but also because she entered the job market later in life, as she had to take care of her children. Similarly, after coming to France, Shadya did not work for the 11 years that she dedicated to her family and children. When her children were grown up, she decided to work again. Shadya was aware of the difficulties she might face by entering the job market later in her life. Thus, she accepted an unpaid job for two years before getting a permanent contract. Another example is Karima, who first came to France to pursue her studies. However, in order to financially support herself and her husband, who was still doing his graduate studies, she accepted a job that did not fit her qualifications. After several at- tempts, Karima failed to be able to pursue her studies and work at the same time. She decided, therefore, to give up her career aspirations for the sake of her family. Yolla, a single female, did not face any gender-related
problems in her career. At the time of entering the job market, she was younger than the other female participants, which increased her employability chances. Religious-based discrimination, especially for Muslim females wearing a veil, was mentioned by participants. Two of the female participants were subject to serious societal discrimination on the basis of their choice of attire. Both were not able to find work in France. One example was Samah, who worked in a French bank. She reported career difficulties linked to being an Arab female, unlike the mainstream employees. In practice, diversity was discouraged in the workplace. For example, Mustafa related the story of a Moroccan Muslim woman who decided to wear a veil at work, knowing that no rules forbade this in the company.
. . . She began wearing a veil. People started speaking badly about her. I often heard people laughing at her and calling her—not to her face—a ninja. I have heard much criticism, eh . . . really very strange! I find it really strange how people who are highly educated . . . can have such negative images of people. Her supervisor didn't want her to wear the veil, so he transferred her to another department where nobody can see her. She has been working in her job I think for six or seven years . . . and from the time she covered, we felt that people had this reaction. So they threw her aside.
In sum, by moving to France, Lebanese women's attachment to their traditional role as mothers, as well as their cultural values, sometimes clashed with the expec- tations of the French organizations, and this prevented their full integration into the labor market. Of course, some of these findings may apply also to other female French citizens having work and family responsibilities. Nevertheless, our findings indicate that gender is a salient issue that remains to date underexplored in the stud- ies of self-initiated expatriates. Gender issues should be further researched in self-initiated expatriation studies, as organizations cannot afford to restrict international human resources, particularly with such unfounded crite- ria. Further research would benefit the organizations in a number of ways, including ensuring the ethical treatment of their employees (Vance, Paik, & White, 2006).
from Self-Initiated expatriation to Immigration: Management of Immigration
The third gap in the literature that we investigated is the apparent disconnection between immigration and selfinitiated expatriation. We drew on interviews with six people involved in immigration policymaking in order to explore these linkages. The term policies can be un-
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derstood here as the interaction of political, financial, and administrative mechanisms that guide governmental actions (Windsor, 2002). Policies studied in this article are related to immigration in general and labor immigra- tion specifically. Immigration policymaking, in this study, determines how labor immigrants are accepted to enter France, as well as their access to employment. It also regu- lates diversity measures practiced in organizations and the sanctions against discrimination. The Higher Council for Integration is a governmen- tal committee established in 1989. Its aim is to advise the government on making policies that allow for better integration of immigrants into French society. In response to an invitation letter that the first author of this article sent to the director of the HCI, the interviewer was given the contacts of a highly ranked manager. Recording was refused in this interview. However, the interviewer was of- fered two policy statements and was allowed to take notes. The interview confirmed that the share of labor immigra- tion will increase in the future. However, no measures have been taken recently to help newcomers integrate into the job market. The interview revealed that the HCI promotes diversity discourse. However, in France, it is illegal to classify people in terms of their ethnicity ("Ana- lyse comparative de différents modèles d'intégration en Europe," 2006). This makes creating equal opportunities in terms of job access for ethnic minorities a challenging task ("Projet de charte de la laïcité dans les services pub- lics," 2007). Three interviews were conducted, in French, with immigration specialists. The decision to interview these individuals came after the first author of this article had serious difficulties in accessing policymakers in France. One interview was conducted with a manager, working in Humanity in Action (HIA) France, who provided written answers to our questions. HIA is an international consortium promoting the protection of the rights of minorities. This interview reflected on the contradictions be- tween the official discourse regarding recruiting labor immigrants and the ways in which they experience inequalities in accessing education and employment in France. This same interviewee criticized the way recent French immigration policies put more restrictions on labor immigrants wanting to bring their family members to France. The other two interviews were conducted with an officer in the Limayon Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) and a key manager in the Bataya social center (these are pseudonyms). The Limayon is an NGO work- ing largely with immigrants in Paris on diversity matters.
Its aim is to promote antidiscrimination education. The Limayon NGO cooperates with the French institutions in order to secure funding for its projects. As for the Bataya social center, it promotes cultural, educational, and professional activities among immigrants in Paris, such as facilitating integration into the French job market. The center relies mainly on state funding. The Limayon NGO and the Bataya social center also organize mutual activities. Interviews with both participants revealed that the government immigration policies are restrictive when it comes to the entry and work of self-initiated expatri- ates coming from developing countries. One of the participants explained that many of the immigrants she meets used to work as engineers, medical doctors, and in other highly qualified professions in their countries of origin. However, they now work in less qualified jobs in France. One interview was secured with Professor Emile Bola (pseudonym), a human resources specialist who has political connections. The interviewee qualified France as being behind, with respect to other European countries and Canada, in attracting skilled immigrants. Accordingly, the only support available to immigrants in France is that offered by NGOs and their organizations (e.g., adopting diversity policies and helping immigrants learn French). To conclude, in contrast to the French policy statements about recruiting skilled immigrants, the field study demonstrated that Lebanese skilled self-initiated expatri- ates encounter difficulties in coming to France and inte- grating into the job market. Interviews with policymakers revealed that institutional mechanisms such as policy interventions do not currently offer appropriate support for non-EU skilled immigrants.
Conclusion
Studies regarding the career experiences of self-initiated expatriates have mainly concerned immigrants from developed countries and have paid little attention to gender issues and the cross-fertilization of ideas with other immigration literature. In this study, we provide insights from a largely omitted group of expatriates—female and male Lebanese immigrants who self-expatriated on a perma- nent basis to France. In this article, we addressed three inadequacies in the self-initiated expatriation literature: (1) at the in- dividual level, we investigated the career experiences of self-initiated expatriates from developing countries; (2) at the mesoorganizational level, gender inequities and disparities in choices and opportunities of female
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self-initiated expatriates were explicated; and (3) at the macro-contextual level, we explored the interconnected nature of immigration, immigration policy, and selfinitiated expatriation. Understanding immigration from developing countries to developed regions of the world is of particular importance. Keeley (2007) identifies the fact that the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries are likely to experience increased difficulties in meeting skill demands in national labor contexts that are characterized by an increasing number of elderly people and decreasing fertility rates. As a result, the United Nations suggests that 674 million persons from developing countries will need to immigrate to the EU (15 countries) between 2000 and 2050 (United Nations, 2000). Therefore, it is essential to understand the labor market experiences of self-initiated immigrants in order to make better use of their contributions to the world of work. Our research unequivocally demonstrates that, in the case of France, the institutional approach to managing labor immigration allows for negative work and career experiences for skilled immigrants from developing countries (Lebanon in this case). The findings with respect to the three gaps in the literature on self-initiated expatriation are summarized in this same order. First, we revealed that self-initiated expatriates' skills, education, and training alone were not sufficient to overcome the structural barriers that restricted their full integration into the labor market in France. Thus, just having a self-initiated expatriate status was not helpful for career advancement. It was found that the approach to the management of immigration in France has allowed inflows of immigrants but at the same time has presented strong career barriers to their labor market integration. This result contradicts previous findings suggesting that self-initiated expatriation is beneficial for career and per- sonal development (Richardson & McKenna, 2003) and that expatriates self-manage their careers, independent of organizational and institutional barriers (Inkson et al., 1997). Our analysis suggests that self-initiated expatriation theories need to be reframed if they are to capture the two- track system that distinguishes the experiences of skilled expatriates from developed countries with that of skilled expatriates from developing countries. Second, in developed countries, there has been an increasing interest in including women as well as minorities in the workforce (Jehn & Bezrukova, 2004). However, the intersectional impact of ethnicity and gender in France has been considerably more detrimental to Lebanese female than male workers, forcing them out of the labor market. The position of Lebanese women in the labor market is rather precarious, as they suffer from invisibility
It was found that the approach to the management of immigration in France has allowed inflows of immigrants but at the same time has presented strong career barriers to their labor market integration.
as ethnic minority labor and as female workers, which makes their conditions doubly challenging. Gender issues need further investigation in the self-expatriation litera- ture if countries and organizations want to ensure ethical treatment of employees and ensure that they benefit from their international labor force (Vance et al., 2006). Third, while research has been forthcoming in terms of the experiences of immigrant workers, there is a wall of silence when it comes to scrutinizing institutional approaches to management of skilled immigrants from developing countries. We demonstrate some of the contradictions inherent in the ostensible immigration policies in France. We contend that it is only possible to understand the experience of self-initiated expatriates in their situated institutional context (Özbilgin, 2006; Syed, 2008). The comparison between immigrants and self-initi- ated expatriates, upon which the international manage- ment literature focuses, is crucial. While the manage- ment literature suggests that expatriates from developed countries can move freely across national boundaries, the reality is that skilled self-initiated expatriates from devel- oping countries face significant barriers in the form of supposedly objective policies and certification processes, which, in fact, render their mobility and labor market integration difficult (Zikic et al., 2008), if not impossible. Our study questions the assumed interdependence of human capital, work performance, and career success, and proposes that ethnic and gender discrimination
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perverts the operation of principles of meritocracy at work. There is clearly more research needed to analyze how institutional attitudes are counterproductive for the competitiveness of organizations that fail to make full use of labor immigrants. Our findings have both theoretical and practical implications. From a theoretical perspective, if the tendency in the past was to view expatriate careers as managed by organizations, the danger in the self-initiated expa- triation literature is to treat careers as solely managed by individuals. Our multilevel investigation indicates the need for considering the relationship between individual, organizational, and contextual perspectives when study- ing career experiences of self-initiated expatriates. More- over, in considering how gender and ethnicity shaped the career experiences of the Lebanese in France, we are encouraged to invite management scholars researching self-initiated expatriation to adopt more interdisciplinary approaches. Just as an example, theories on ethnicity and gender could provide a highly interesting frame for the career choices of self-initiated expatriates. By using in- terdisciplinary approaches, career experiences could be captured in ways that are true to their nature as multilevel and multifaceted phenomena. We contend that the management of self-initiated expatriates by institutions in host countries requires a reframing of their contribution to the labor market in more positive and supportive ways. The traditional
approach of ignoring the existence of ethnic minor- ity workers in France has been counterproductive and has resulted in negative consequences, often leading to downward career mobility. We would like to conclude on a positive note. Skilled self-initiated expatriates constitute a valuable asset in the worldwide economy (Doherty & Dickmann, 2008; Fairlie, 2010). In settings where labor immigration policy is lagging behind, there is a significant role that organizations can play by promoting equality, diversity, and inclusion for selfinitiated expatriate workers, in order to facilitate their unhindered contribution and their integration into economic and social life. There are early signs of such a change of attitude among firms in France that are launching diversity and inclusion ini- tiatives in order to benefit from the untapped potential of immigrants. Recognizing the underutilization of im- migrant and female labor, and the untapped potential of this sector, would allow a considerable competitive edge to national and international firms.
Acknowledgments
An earlier version of this article was presented at the 4th EIASM Workshop on Expatriation in Las Palmas de Gran Canaria (Spain) on October 23-24, 2008. The authors gratefully acknowledge the efforts of the workshop organizers in making this event an excellent academic gathering.
Dr Akram Al Ariss teaches International Human Resource Management (IHRM) and Diversity Management (DM) at Champagne School of Management, ESC Troyes (France). He is affiliated with DECERe i.e., Diversity and Equality in Careers and Employment Research (University of East Anglia, UK) and The Pennsylvania State University (USA). He has a PhD from the Norwich Business School, University of East Anglia. His research focuses on career, diversity, and migration/expatriation. Akram serves as a member of the editorial board of the journal Equality, Diversity, and Inclusion. He reviews for journals such as International Journal of Human Resource Management, Organization, Journal of World Business, and Journal of Management Development among many others. He has worked as visiting fellow at the MBA Europa-Institute, University of Saarland (Germany). He has an extensive experience in management consultancy in Europe and the Middle East and has consulted for multinationals such as Hewlett-Packard (Beirut), Alcatel-Lucent (Paris), Assad Said (KSA), and RATP (Paris).
Mustafa Özbilgin is a professor of human resource management at the Norwich Business School and the co-director of Diversity and Equality in Careers and Employment Research (DECERe). His work focuses on equality and diversity at work. Having obtained a PhD in sex equality in the financial services sector in Britain and Turkey from the Univer- sity of Bristol in 1998, he has previously worked at Queen Mary, the University of London, and at CEPS-INSTEAD (Luxembourg), Cornell University's School of Industrial and Labor Relations (New York), the Japan Institute of Labour Policy and Training (Tokyo), and St. Gallen University (Switzerland) as a visiting fellow. He is the current editor of Equal Opportunities International and the incoming editor of the British Journal of Management.
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