Description
Case Study on Capital Mobilization of Skilled Migrants: A Relational Perspective, Capitalism is an economic system characterized by private or corporate ownership of capital goods, by investments that are determined by private decision, and by prices, production, and the distribution of goods that are determined mainly by competition in a free market.
Case Study on Capital Mobilization of Skilled Migrants: A Relational Perspective
A central issue for understanding skilled migration in the management literature is human capital. This emphasis ignores other important forms of capital mobilization that skilled migrants from developing countries deploy in dealing with the barriers to their international career mobility. There is therefore a need to develop a holistic understanding of capital mobilization of skilled migrants. In order to develop a more holistic picture, we deploy a relational and multilevel perspective to explore how skilled migrants from developing countries mobilize capital in their eforts to undertake an international career. Career is a central construct in this study. Drawing on a qualitative study of skilled Lebanese in Paris, the paper ofers two main contributions to the research on human resource management, in particular to the literatures on skilled migration and self-initiated expatriation. First it extends our understanding of the strategies that skilled migrants use to relocate from a developing country to an industrialized country. Beyond the traditional human capital perspective, it ofers insights about migrants' capital mobilization experiences of undertaking international mobility. Second, using Bourdieu's theory of capital, it ofers a relational explanation of their capital mobilization in a way to encompass micro-individual, meso-organizational and macro-contextual in?uences that afect their career choices.
Introduction
We examine how skilled migrants from a developing country mobilize diferent forms of capital to undertake an international career. We consider it important to understand the dynamics that underpin the migration of skilled individuals from developing countries to more developed ones, as they constitute a potential pool of human resources for organizations in the home and host countries (Bonache and Za´rraga-Oberty, 2008). We are interested in these dynamics in particular in terms of migrants' agency in shaping their capital as a part of international mobility. By the term 'skilled migrants' we refer to highly educated and experienced individuals. The paper is informed by two streams of literatures on human resource management (HRM) that discuss international career experiences, i.e.
skilled migration literature and self-initiated expatriation literature. These literatures focus on hu- man capital as a central issue for understanding skilled migration. This emphasis ignores other important forms of capital mobilization that skilled migrants from developing countries use when navigating the barriers to their international career mobility. Beyond the human capital approach used in the management literature on skilled migration from developed countries, we investigate the extent to which migrants from developing countries need to rely on several sources of capital to be successful in their career mobilization. We explore a wide range of capital mobilization strategies that skilled migrants use in undertaking international mobility. The paper makes two main contributions to research in HRM, in particular to the literatures on migration and self-initiated expatriation. First, it extends our understanding of the strategies that
Capital Mobilization of Skilled Migrants skilled migrants use to relocate from a developing country and ofers insights about their international mobility choices. This understanding goes beyond the human capital discourse and ofers a more holistic picture of skilled migration and international careers. Second, using Bourdieu's theory of capital (Chudzikowski and Mayrhofer, 2011; Ozbilgin and Tatli, 2005), it ofers an explanation of their experiences of accumulation and deployment of capital in such a way as to encompass individual, organizational and macro-contextual in?uences that afect their career choices. Through its deployment of a relational, multilevel perspective on capital mobilization of skilled migrants, the paper deals with a significant social impact, i.e. development of a clearer understanding of the capital mobilization experiences of an ethnic minority group that has remained under-explored in HRM research. This understanding may in turn lead to a better apprehension of our contemporary diverse societies (Kamenou, 2008). In other words, we seek to advance HRM research by extending its international dimension (Martin-Alcazar, Romero- Fernandez and Sanchez-Gardey, 2008). We start by reviewing literatures on migration and self-initiated expatriation. These literatures emerge as having a shortcoming in terms of their macrocontextual versus micro-individual focus. Therefore, a Bourdieuan approach (Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992) is found to ofer a better option that takes into account the agency of skilled migrants in navigating the structural barriers to their international career mobility. In the light of that, an empirical study is presented. The paper also highlights our main contribution to theory and implications for future research and practice.
287 have a fundamental assumption that human capital is a central element in international career development. Beyond this 'skill-oriented' explanation, these literatures do not explicate strate- gies of capital mobilization that skilled migrants from developing countries deploy in dealing with the barriers to their international career mobility. This paper ofers a relational perspective to build up a holistic understanding of capital mobiliza- tion of skilled migrants. Skilled migration The mobility of skilled individuals is discussed in the skilled migration literature mainly in terms of brain drain and brain gain (Baruch, Budhwar and Khatri, 2007). This literature reveals that there is an increasing need for skilled migrants in developed countries and in particular in Europe. It has a predominant assumption that human capital alone is enough for undertaking interna- tional mobility. Nevertheless, it omits a discus- sion, at the individual level, of migrants' relocation strategies in terms of capital accumu- lation and deployment. There is no definitive conclusion about whether migration is a loss of human capital for the sending countries or a gain for the receiving ones. Studies of brain drain commonly propose that the sending countries lose their human capital when skilled workers relocate on a permanent basis (Beine, Docquier and Rapoport, 2008). These countries pay the cost of educating and training their citizens without benefiting from their skills. In contrast, brain gain studies suggest that migrants benefit their countries such as by helping to decrease the rates of unemployment (Bardak, 2005). Additionally, migrants who return to their home countries, indefinitely or temporarily, transfer knowledge and skills ac- quired abroad. These aspects may help to create, develop and utilize social and professional net- works, thereby leading to cultural and economic exchanges between host and source countries (Bardak, 2005). It is pertinent to investigate the dynamics behind the mobility of skilled migrants as their numbers continually increase in the world (Beine, Docquier and Rapoport, 2008). One main challenge for the countries of the OECD in the coming years is that they will have fewer people available to meet the demands of their labour
Capital mobilization in skilled migration
The migration and self-initiated expatriation studies explore the labour market positions of individuals who have relocated in order to live and work abroad (Al Ariss, 2010). The literature on skilled migration is found to focus on macro- contextual matters, e.g. brain gain, brain drain, and migrants' remittances (Baruch, Budhwar and Khatri, 2007). The selfinitiated expatriation literature is shown to focus on the motivations and career outcomes of individuals who move abroad on their own. However, both literatures
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288 markets because of the increasing number of elderly people and the decreasing fertility rates (Keeley, 2007). Beyond the numbers showing the increasing proportion of skilled migrants, their strategies of relocation to the host countries remain largely under-researched (Collings, Scul- lion and Morley, 2007). Furthermore, the role of the state and organizations in regulating migration and shaping the experiences of migrants in the source and host countries is under-researched. For instance, in a paper that explains the growth of overseas nurse recruitment to the UK, Bach (2007) argues that the migration literature provides an incomplete view of the patterns of recruitment of skilled migrants. The same author shows how mainstream migration studies do not have ba- lanced individual-structural approaches in ex- plaining the patterns of migration. In summary, migration studies focus on macrocontextual matters such as brain gain and brain drain. However, migrants' mobilization of capital to immigrate remains under-investigated at the microindividual level. In light of this omission, it is worthwhile to examine the self-initiated expatriation literature that seems to focus more than migration studies on career choice matters of individuals. Self-initiated expatriation Unlike international assignees (Dickmann and Doherty, 2008; Harvey and Moeller, 2009), selfinitiated expatriates are not sent by their compa- nies but rather travel on their own initiative (Cerdin and Le Pargneux, 2010; Jokinen, Brewster and Suutari, 2008). However, many self-initiated expatriates stay in the new country on a perma- nent basis and thus become permanent migrant workers (Al Ariss and Ozbilgin, 2010a). The French-Algerian sociologist Sayad explains that one no longer knows if migration concerns a temporary condition, which one is content to prolong indefinitely, or, on the other hand, if it is more a permanent state in which one must live with an intense feeling of the temporary (Sayad, 2004). The literature on self-initiated expatriation is mainly concerned with the temporary travel of individuals and professionals coming from developed countries, e.g. New Zealand, Australia and the UK (Doherty and Dickmann, 2008; Inkson and Myers, 2003). This literature sufers from two inadequacies in accounting for the experiences of capital accumulation and deployment of self-initiated expatriates, which are discussed below. First, experiences of individuals in accumulating and deploying capital in order to self-expatriate are missing in this literature. Instead, the literature discusses a range of motivators that encourage people to self-expatriate. The reasons behind selfinitiated expatriation are reportedly linked to economic, cultural, family and career factors (Carr, Inkson and Thorn, 2005). For instance, learning about other cultures and building new social contacts are indicated as significant motives (Myers and Pringle, 2005). Motives are linked to the desire for adventure, such as discovering new cultures and living new experiences abroad (Ri- chardson and McKenna, 2003). Second, self-initiated expatriates are perceived as free agents who cross organizational and national borders, often unobstructed by barriers that constrain their career choices (Inkson et al., 1997). Accordingly their careers are understood to be 'contemporary', i.e. first, going beyond organizational and national boundaries; second, being characterized by higher uncertainty; and third, being managed increasingly by them, rather than by their organizations (Arthur, 2008). This presumes that individuals can undertake interna- tional careers independently of organizational and macrocontextual settings. Visa issues are an example of challenges that are linked to the contextual settings. We know little with respect to how self-initiated expatriates face and cope with administrative difculties in obtain- ing visas. Such factors can constrain them in their international mobility and thus could have nega- tive consequences on their career outcomes. For example, Richardson (2009) provides an insightful study that shows that countries and organizations are willing to recruit an international workforce but are sometimes unwilling to adjust their policies so as to fully use their human capital. Migrant workers who face such administrative barriers are known to have stronger career constraints (Syed, 2008). Drawing on interviews with 50 New Zealanders, Inkson and Myers (2003) found that, when self-initiated expatriates did not get appro- priate visas and work permits, they worked in jobs that did not suit their qualifications. To summarize, the literature on self-initiated expatriation has been mainly concerned with the
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Capital Mobilization of Skilled Migrants experiences of individuals from developed countries. Two gaps in the literature were identified with respect to the international mobility of individuals. First, the literature does not discuss strategies that individuals use in order to selfexpatriate. Second, it omits a discussion of career experiences of skilled migrants from developing countries, in particular those of ethnic minorities. Owing to diferences in socio-cultural and economic contexts of migrants from developing countries, their migration and career experiences in developed countries may be considerably difer- ent, especially with regard to barriers to entry. This paper fills these gaps by voicing the experiences of an under-researched group, i.e. the Lebanese, in their eforts to relocate from Lebanon.
289 skilled migrants' experiences of mobilizing their resources, over time, at multiple levels (Ozbilgin, 2006; Syed and O ¨ zbilgin, 2009). This allows migrants' power to act and change their social reality in the face of structural barriers to be recognized. The micro-individual level refers to the subjective experiences of skilled migrants in this study in using their career capital when relocating. The mesoorganizational level denotes the in?uence of intermediate forms of social organization, such as workplaces and academic institutions, on the experiences of individuals. The macro-contextual level refers to overall events that characterize the social settings and that can constrain or enable individuals in their choices of international mobility. Second, by linking diferent forms of capital, i.e. social, cultural, economic and symbolic capital, Bour- dieu ofers a relational perspective for understanding capital accumulation and deployment (Wilson et al., 2007). For example, economic capital may allow access to schools and universities, which ofer enhanced opportunities for accumulating cultural capital. Social capital may facilitate integration into the job market. This approach helps in overcoming the trap of considering only human capital when studying the experiences of skilled migrants. Furthermore, it ofers a possibility to understand capital in its various interdependent forms. Finally, habitus in Bourdieu's theory refers to unquestioned matters in society at the individual or group level, and implies habits in action. Habitus orients actions of capital accumulation and deployment without strictly determining these (Ozbilgin and Tatli, 2005). It is guided by one's past experiences and orients future actions. Mills and Gale (2007) explain that habitus includes values, conduct, speech, dress and manners common in one's everyday experiences in society. Habitus operates below the level of consciousness and orients individuals' practices by providing them with a sense of how to act and respond in their daily lives. Accordingly, indivi- duals usually know, even without consciously knowing, the right thing to do in the sense of being able to clearly explain what they are doing (Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992). Habitus is problematic when it perpetuates social inequal- ities. According to Friedland (2009), Bourdieu aligns all practices through the logic of domina- tion, which allows him to homologize group
A relational perspective on skilled migrants' capital mobilization
The foregoing review of the skilled migration and self-initiated expatriation literatures showed a shortcoming in terms of their macro-contextual versus micro-individual focus. Furthermore, the review showed a relative lack of attention in HRM research to capital mobilization that skilled migrants from developing countries deploy in dealing with the barriers to their international career mobility. A multilevel, relational perspec- tive on capital mobilization, we argue, ofers a better alternative that takes into account the agency of skilled migrants as well as the structural and institutional in?uences that shape their reality. Departing from a narrow focus on human capital, Bourdieu (1986) considers capital in its social, cultural, economic and symbolic forms. Cultural capital includes matters such as culture, language and academic qualifications. Economic capital is directly convertible into money and may also take the form of property rights. Another form of resources is social capital, which refers to personal networks and relationships. Finally, symbolic capital refers to re?ected power that gives individuals the ability to deploy other types of capital. This perspective is in particular helpful in understanding the way skilled migrants from a developing country mobilize diferent forms of capital in their eforts to immigrate. Two main advantages of using Bourdieu's theory could be seen for the purposes of this paper. First, this theory is helpful in explaining
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290 relations in every field. Addressing inequalities requires questioning the power through which ideas, actions and structures in society become accepted as self-evident. It entails inquiring about accepted social functioning to better understand power relations in society. Capital is viewed by Bourdieu as a means of perpetuating social inequalities by 'allowing certain people to succeed based not upon merit but upon the cultural experiences, the social ties and the economic resources they have access to' (Wacquant, 1998, p. 216). Questioning habitus in the accumulation and deployment of capital occurs by asking: 'whose interests are being served, and how' (Tripp, 1998, p. 37). For example, Kerr and Robinson (2009) recently employed the Bourdieuan concepts of 'habitus' and 'forms of capital' to examine the (re)production of domination in a British international organization. Next we discuss the diferent forms of capital in the light of Bourdieu's theory. Social capital Social capital is the sum of the resources that an individual or a group accrue from the possession of a network of relationships of 'mutual acquain- tance and recognition' (Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992, p. 119). These relationships may be socially instituted, i.e. guaranteed, by the application of a common name such as the name of a family, a class, a tribe, a school or a party (Bourdieu, 1986). Bourdieu asserts that forms of capital are interdependent. For example, the outcome of the educational qualifications depends on the social capital which can be used to back it up (Bourdieu, 1986). Social capital is thus useful in increasing the power of individuals to advance their interests in society through accumulating and deploying all forms of capital. Cultural capital Cultural capital refers to competences such as education, linguistic skills, cultural knowledge (e.g. an understanding of the host country's culture). Bourdieu suggests that cultural capital is present in three forms: embodied, objectified, and institutionalized (Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992). In the embodied state, it is in the form of culture (Bourdieu, 1986). This presupposes for an individual a process of embodiment (or incorporation). It implies inculcation and needs time which must be invested personally by the investor. In the present study, learning about the French culture is a good example of how Lebanese participants acquired an embodied cultural capi- tal. The objectified cultural capital exists in material objects, such as writings, paintings, monuments, instruments, and is transmissible in its materiality (Bourdieu, 1986). Finally, in its institutionalized form, cultural capital can take the form of academic qualifications. This con- stitutes a certificate of cultural competence which confers on its owner a legally guaranteed value with respect to society at a given moment in time (Bourdieu, 1986).
One has only to think of the concours [competitive recruitment examination] which, out of the con- tinuum of infinitesimal diferences between perfor- mances, produces sharp, absolute, lasting diferences, such as that which separates the last successful candidate from the first unsuccessful one, and institutes an essential diference between the ofcially recognized, guaranteed competence and simple cultural capital, which is constantly required to prove itself. (Bourdieu, 1986, p. 248)
Bourdieu points towards a link between economic and cultural capital, which is 'established through the mediation of the time needed for acquisition' (Bourdieu, 1986, p. 246). For exam- ple, diferences in the economic capital possessed by a family imply diferences in the opportunities available for the children of that family to accumulate cultural capital. The length of time for which a given individual can prolong his/her acquisition of cultural capital, e.g. by pursuing graduate studies, depends on the length of time for which his/her family can provide him/her with financial help. This financial support is often the precondition for the initial accumulation. Economic capital The human capital theory is oriented toward the maximization of profit and reduces exchanges between human beings to mercantile matters (Bourdieu, 1986). Beyond this limited understanding of the social functioning, Bourdieu explains that other forms of exchange exist between the diferent forms of capital.
Capital can present itself in three fundamental guises: as economic capital, which is immediately
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Capital Mobilization of Skilled Migrants
and directly convertible into money and may be institutionalized in the forms of property rights; as cultural capital, which is convertible, on certain conditions, into economic capital and may be institutionalized in the forms of educational qualifications; and as social capital, made up of social obligations ('connections'), which is convertible, in certain conditions, into economic capital and may be institutionalized in the forms of a title of nobility. (Bourdieu, 1986, p. 243)
291 Next, we describe the context of the present study by providing an overview of Lebanese migration to France.
Context of the study: Lebanese migration to France
In understanding the nature of the Lebanese migration to France, one needs to understand the historic links between the two countries. After the First World War, Syria, which had been part of the Ottoman Empire, including Arab territories, was divided between Britain and France as a mandated region. In Mount Lebanon, Maro- nites, a Christian community with historical ties to the Roman Catholic Church in Europe, aimed to create, with the help of the French, a state known as Greater Lebanon, which would be under their authority. In 1920, Henri Gouraud, the French High Commissioner in Beirut, announced the creation of the state of Greater Lebanon, with Beirut as its capital. In 1943, Lebanon achieved its independence from France. Lebanese emigrants came mainly to the Paris region where they integrated into the French job market, built their businesses, and developed professional and social networks (Abdulkarim, 1996). Understanding the patterns of their immigration to France allows for a better appreciation of their experiences of capital accumulation and deployment. There were several waves of Lebanese emigration to France. Prior to the Lebanese civil war in 1975, Lebanese who came to France were from the middle and higher class society in Lebanon and most were educated, ?uent in French, and wealthy (Al Ariss and Ozbilgin, 2010b). Many of them came in pursuit of higher education rather than permanent settlement. These early immi- grants relied on money sent from Lebanon in order to maintain their stay in France. However, starting in the mid-1980s, the economic problems in Lebanon inverted many of these trends. With the stagnation of the Lebanese economy, remit- tances by immigrants became a significant source of income for their families in Lebanon. The sojourn in France thus became more permanent (Al Ariss and Ozbilgin, 2010b). The relative political stability and superior economic pro- spects that France ofered, coupled with possible immigration opportunities and the privileged
Bourdieu gives the example of how children of those in control of industries, i.e. the economic elite in a society, need to attend well-established schools and universities in order to complement and give more credit to their economic capital by acquiring cultural and social capital. In that way, they first convert part of their economic capital to cultural capital, but in return, inheritors recon- vert their cultural and social capital into econom- ic power. Symbolic capital Symbolic capital refers to a re?ec ted power gained or inherited by individuals through the accumulation and deployment of any form of capital whether economic, cultural or social. Symbolic capital is accrued through the specific form of capital being legitimated and valued by society. For example, money is an accepted and reified form of economic capital although it has little inherent value. This concept is formed through the 'shared meanings of value' (Ozbilgin and Tatli, 2005, p. 862). Accordingly, symbolic capital is linked to power ascribed to the individual because of the legitimated nature of characteristics within the social, economic and cultural capitals. Symbolic capital, or in other words re?ected authority, is a key for the deployment of all other forms of capital. Doherty and Dickmann (2009) provide a good example of how symbolic capital can be used in HRM research. Drawing on 13 in-depth interviews and analysis of policy documents, the authors used a case study within the financial services sector to explore challenges in international assignment programmes. The 13 participants provided information on their career experiences as a repatriate within their organization. The study shows that the symbolic value of an international experience is rooted in the perceived benefits (by others in an organization) as an enhancing career experience.
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292 historical relations between Lebanese Christians and France, heralded France as a viable destina- tion for the Lebanese. The Lebanese in France have been building and drawing on cultural, social and economic resources that are rarely explored in the literature (Al Ariss and Ozbilgin, 2010b). The literature describes them as successful immigrants who adapted to mainstream society and the economy (Abdelhady, 2006). Abdulkarim (1996) reports that the majority of the Lebanese population in France are of the professional class, working mainly in management, engineering, medicine and media. Moreover, among Lebanese immi- grants, university-educated students constitute a reservoir of labour in French industries (Al Ariss and Ozbilgin, 2010b). Using qualitative methods, Abdelhady (2006) interviewed 77 Lebanese immigrants living in New York, Montreal and Paris. Results show that participants in France were able to balance between maintaining their ethnic identity and adapting very well into French society. They were also very active in accumulating and deploying social capital which was also the case for participants in this study. From the host country's perspective, French immigration policies indicate that the French government is open to labour migrants filling vacant jobs (Centre d'Analyse Strate´gique, 2006). For example, management, research, teaching and construction engineering jobs need to be filled by migrants (Agence Nationale de l'Accueil des Etrangers et des Migrants, 2007a). In 2007, French policy makers declared their willingness to attract skilled migrants from English-speaking countries while limiting other forms of migration (Agence Nationale de l'Accueil des Etrangers et des Migrants, 2007b). One explanation of such policies is that policy makers are pandering to the agenda of extreme right-wing voters who hold African and Arab immigrants (mostly coming from former French colonies) responsible for France's ongoing economic and social problems. Lebanon, an Arab developing country that was previously under the French mandate, falls out- side the 'English-speaking' criteria. For instance, in a recent ofcial letter sent by the French Presidency to the Ministry of Immigration (Sarkozy and Fillon, 2007), it was requested that immigration policies be more selective, e.g. in terms of the geographical origins of migrants. There are therefore increasing barriers placed
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upon those travelling from developing countries to France. Furthermore, restrictions are also placed upon French organizations willing to bring foreigners to France. Employers have to prove that no other person in France can fill the vacancy in question (Centre d'Analyse Strategique, 2006).
The study
This study answers the following research question: 'How do skilled migrants from a developing country mobilize diferent forms of capital in their eforts to undertake international mobility?' The study draws on 39 qualitative interviews conducted in 2007 and 2008 with skilled Lebanese migrants - 16 women and 23 men - living in Paris. Access to Lebanese interviewees was sought through varied methods in order to ensure adequate participation. The snowballing techni- que, social contacts, cold calls, and also an internet address book were utilized. Table 1 details methods of access and the number of participants acquired through each method. The first author who conducted the interviews is a Lebanese man who lives in Paris. Although this allowed for privileged research access, researching migration in France is a contentious topic and it took considerable time to find interviewees and establish networks to assist in gaining access. Gaining access to female partici- pants was more difcult than gaining access to male participants. To achieve a diverse group of participants in terms of professional experience, gender and age, purposeful sampling was used. Table 2 provides demographic details about the participants. The study maintained confidential- ity as the names of the participants were changed. All participants had migrated from Lebanon and had worked in France for at least a few months. They came to France with no defined time frame in mind and their period of migration varied between two and 39 years. Twenty-seven
Table 1. Methods of research access to migrants Method Snowballing technique Social contacts Cold calls Internet guide on Lebanese abroad Number of cases 20 16 12
Capital Mobilization of Skilled Migrants
Table 2. Migrants' demographic profiles No. Pseudonym Age Sex Religious background Christian Christian Christian Christian Christian Muslim Christian Muslim Muslim Christian Muslim Muslim Muslim Muslim Muslim Muslim Christian Muslim Christian Muslim Muslim Muslim Christian Muslim Unknown Muslim Muslim Muslim Muslim Christian Muslim Christian Muslim Muslim Muslim Christian Muslim Christian Christian Level of studies Master's Master's Doctoral Master's Master's Doctoral Master's Master's Bachelor's Master's Master's Bachelor's Doctoral Bachelor's Master's Doctoral Doctoral Bachelor's Doctoral Master's Master's Master's Master's Master's Master's Master's Doctoral Bachelor's Bachelor's Doctoral Masters Bachelor's Doctoral Bachelor's Master's Master's Doctoral Master's Master's Studied in France prior to working Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No No Yes Yes Yes No No Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No Yes Yes Yes Current expertise Management Engineering Management Management Engineering Management Management Engineering Unemployed Management Engineering Management Medical doctor Management Management Management Academic Management Management Management Engineering Engineering Engineering Engineering Engineering Management Medical doctor Management Unemployed Management Engineering Management Medical doctor Engineering Unemployed Engineering Management Management Management Position
293
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39
Aline Antoine Charles Christelle Elie Farida Fouad Franc¸ois Hiba Ihab Imane Jean-Jacques Kamal Karima Latifa Mahmoud Mathilde Max Melhem Mohamad Mo?¨se Mustafa Patrick Rabih Salim Samah Samir Shadya Sihame Souad Sylvain Tatiana Tomasso Wael Wafa Walid Warde Wissam Yolla
55 49 27 34 29 55 39 49 29 26 54 42 61 49 49 62 27 41 57 32 34 25 45 32 55 57 55 49 34 39 39 47 44 30 46 31 60s 26 27
Female Male Male Female Male Female Male Male Female Male Female Male Male Female Female Male Female Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Female Male Female Female Female Male Female Male Male Female Male Female Male Female
Employee Employee Employee Employee Employee Employee Owner Owner Unemployed Employee Owner Employee Owner Employee Employee Owner Employee Owner Employee Employee Employee Employee Employee Employee Owner Employee Employee Employee Unemployed Owner Owner Employee Partner Employee Unemployed Employee Employee Employee Employee
participants had acquired French citizenship by the time of the interview, while most of the others had only Lebanese citizenship. They had various educational levels, such as doctorate and Mas- ter's and Bachelor's degrees. Thus, participants in this study completed a minimum of a Bachelor's degree in Lebanon or in France. They were employed in organizations, entrepreneurs or unemployed (only three interviewees). Excluding the three participants who were unemployed, interviewees worked in management, engineering, medicine and education. Collection of data and sampling were carried out at the same time. Data
collected informed subsequent choice of interviewees. For example, two Muslim women who wore the Islamic veil were selected to inquire into difculties faced by Muslim women based on their choice of dress in France. Almost half of the participants were married and the other half were single or dating. All but two interviews were audio-recorded (later transcribed); detailed notes were taken dur- ing the two interviews not audio-recorded. In all cases, observational notes were taken regarding participants' work environments, outside interactions and facial expressions. The interviews were
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294 conducted in participants' homes, ofces or other places where it was easy to converse with the interviewee. The interviews lasted approximately an hour and most were conducted in French. All interviews were conducted on a one-to-one basis. In this paper, exclamation marks in the interview transcripts are used to show participants' emphasis on a point, and thus to make the text more comprehensible. The following issues were discussed during the interviews within the remit of the overarching research question. First, we obtained background information on the participants such as age, place of birth, period of stay in France, current job, citizenship, marital status, number of children, and spoken and written language(s). Additionally, open-ended questions were asked concerning themes that included participants' reasons and strategies for leaving Lebanon, their choice of relocating to France, family connections in Lebanon and in France, frequency of travelling to Lebanon, remittances sent to Lebanon and any possible plans to return to Lebanon or to leave for elsewhere. Other questions were included regarding participants' education and career experiences, adequate match between the participants' qualifi- cations and their jobs, discrimination experiences, if any, career plans, key people/networks/organiza- tions that have in?uenced careers, evaluation of career as success or failure, changing their name in France, social relations, memberships in profes- sional or other networks, helping Lebanese people or other migrants, religious afliation and its in?uence on the participants' careers, and partici- pants' coping strategies. QSR NVivo software was used to arrange and code the data collected. This software helps to identify, code and connect themes together in a systematic fashion. In this exploratory study, although the nodes were driven predominantly by the data, they were also informed by the authors' reading of the literature (Fendt and Sachs, 2008). Coding was iterative where new nodes were added as they emerged from the following inter- views. Although this approach to analysis was time consuming, it encouraged in-depth exam- ination of the data, as each transcript was read many times. A priori nodes were focused around the reasons for departure from Lebanon, the expatriation experience, and possibilities of re- turn. However, after several interviews were conducted and as analysis was progressing, key themes began to emerge regarding participants'
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experiences of capital accumulation and deployment. For example, social capital was linked to family, friendship and professional relationships. Accumulating social capital was also coupled with professional difculties. Similarly, the de- ployment of capital was in?uenced by factors such as gender and ethnicity that were also coded. Underemployment and unemployment were first mainly linked to France. However, it soon became apparent that participants had similar experiences in Lebanon so these were included in the analysis. Upon the completion of coding and analysis, selected quotes were trans- lated from French to English to be included in this paper.
Research findings
We have shown in our literature review that research in HRM does not fully address the experiences of ethnic minority skilled migrants in undertaking international mobility. Literatures on skilled migration and self-initiated expatria- tion were shown to ignore forms of capital mobilization that skilled migrants from develop- ing countries deploy in dealing with the barriers to their international career mobility. Findings in this section discuss a wide range of capital mobilization strategies that this group of mi- grants use in undertaking international mobility. Relocating from Lebanon to France was full of administrative complexities and barriers for the participants. With the absence of organizational and institutional support, they deployed social, cultural, economic and symbolic forms of capital in order to undertake international mobility. Forms of capital mobilized by the Lebanese participants in order to leave Lebanon were intrinsically linked. Accordingly, relational and family networks, education and academic quali- fications, professional experience, money and power were particularly useful in the migration process. Table 3 ofers a summary of key themes, and specimen experiences of the use of capital of skilled migrants, as revealed in this study. Participants' use of social capital in undertaking international mobility Twenty-one participants in our study drew on the support of family and friends, as well as personal
Capital Mobilization of Skilled Migrants
Table 3. A Bourdieuan perspective on capital of skilled migrants Type of capital Social capital Description Resources that are accrued by , Personal contacts and friendships , Family support Specimen experience
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Cultural capital
Economic capital
Symbolic capital
virtue of one's relationships, such as family, college or professional memberships Tomasso: A friend enrolled me without really believing he'd done it! I was accepted, so I went! Mahmoud: I had the support of my in-laws . . . they did everything they could so that I come to France. They showed us several ?ats, they helped us financially so that we could settle, and they wanted us to be near them . . . Yolla: I took an academic programme between [two universities in] Lebanon and France . . . . It was a Master's in management . . . . I did one , Professional and semester in Lebanon, two semesters in Paris, and then a final semester in educational networks Lebanon. [Thus, as of the educational network established between the two universities, it was possible for the participant to relocate to France to enhance her qualification] Cultural capital includes competences such as education, language skills and cultural knowledge Elie: [I pursued] a Master's in project management and innovation management at [name , Academic qualifications of the university]. This is a well-known university, ranking 12th among the 250 and skills engineering schools in France. I was easily accepted upon submitting an application Elie: . . . we have [in Lebanon] an education that follows the French curriculum, and as , Prior knowledge of the host culture we are much exposed to television channels and other French media, we live almost in a similar way to the French, Europeans or others do . . . . This allows us to gain a better understanding of the way other people think and behave . . . and their approach to professional life . . . Antoine: Before [coming to France] I wanted to go to Canada to study , Obtaining visas dentistry. But they [the Canadian authorities] refused [my visa] . . . so it didn't work out. I tried the USA by making two applications but it didn't work out . . . travelling to France was easier because getting the visa was easier! Economic resources as essential tools in undertaking international mobility Antoine: . . . the help of this [French] family [a previous acquaintance] allowed me to , Economic support by return and study for one year here. Because at that time, as things had changed, you family and friends couldn't get a visa unless you had a bank account, you had to show money or you had to be sponsored . . . Jean-Jacques: There was a foundation sending people to study in France, USA, , Bursaries and scholarships or elsewhere. It was an advantage for me to leave Lebanon! Because I could have pursued my studies in Lebanon but the [political] situation in Lebanon was catastrophic! It was very difcult. It was better to leave Lebanon and that's what I did The re?ected power that gives individuals the ability to accumulate and deploy social, cultural and economic capital. A reciprocal nature exists between power deploying social, economic and cultural capitals, and symbolic capital. Rabih: I succeeded in enrolling in an American university, they [parents] supported , Subjective and objective values of me . . . my mother is American so that helped [in travelling]. social, cultural, [When discussing the opportunity of working in France] This was an economic capital opportunity! I had done my studies in the USA, I had worked there too. So I did my graduate studies, then I started working, then I pursued my Master's. I applied to French and American organizations. I had a job ofer from [his French employer] who were hiring people from the USA, and in that way I came to France . ..
and professional networks, in order to leave Lebanon. Social capital emerged as a key tool for relocating, accumulating and deploying other forms of capital. Those who did not possess social capital when undertaking their interna- tional mobility relied on other forms of capital, i.e. cultural, economic and symbolic forms.
Personal contacts and friendships. By using their social relationships, Samir, Tomasso and Franc¸ois were all able to enrol in European universities. This was a first step towards moving to European countries before establishing themselves in France. Samir first attempted to leave Lebanon by apply- ing to French universities, hoping to be accepted.
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296 However, he received no answer to his university applications. Following these unsuccessful eforts, he was accepted in a Belgian university through the help of a Lebanese man from his village. As for Tomasso, it was difcult for him to pursue under- graduate studies in Lebanon during wartime. This oriented him toward international mobility. The opportunity to leave Lebanon emerged after a Lebanese friend enrolled him in a medical school in Italy. Franc¸ois established contacts with a Belgian business person in Lebanon who enrolled him in a Belgian university. Franc¸ois linked the use of social capital to the cultural capital he possessed: the Belgian man identified Franc¸ois' skills and thus helped him secure better career prospects outside Lebanon. Social capital was best utilized when coupled with cultural capital, i.e. Franc¸ois' extensive cultural knowledge.
Franc¸ois: I used to work in a hotel, and due to this job, I met a Belgian man who noticed that my work didn't suit my qualifications. He proposed that I travel to Belgium. At that time . . . in Lebanon, in the 1970s, I had a worldwide cultural knowledge; I had read Kant, Hegel . . . a large cultural education. I was able to discuss issues beyond the Lebanese culture. I had a general cultural knowledge and that person noticed that.
graduate studies in France. Furthermore, one of the main reasons that oriented Mo?¨se toward pursuing his studies in France was the presence of his brother there.
Mo?¨se: I have my brother, his family . . . he has been here 22 or 23 years . . . he helped me to come . . . it's him . . . well I told myself that I had my brother there [in France] . . . so if I had difculties he would help me ... .
Professional and educational networks. Mah- moud, Antoine, Charles, Samah, Yolla, Chris- telle and Wael all benefited from the agreements between their Lebanese universities and French ones. For example, Samah's university in Leba- non had links with one in France, which helped her relocate to pursue graduate studies. Similarly, Yolla was able to come to France as she chose to pursue a Master's degree run jointly by Lebanese and French universities.
Samah: . . . upon my arrival in Lyon [in France] in 1976, I was able to enrol after just a few tests, just a small entry test! I enrolled in a Master's in law, because the university in Lyon had an agreement with the [the name of her university in Lebanon] . . . so this was an excellent chance!
Similarly, Antoine travelled to France in order to pursue engineering studies. This was possible due to the financial help of a French family that he had met during an earlier sojourn in France. The contacts Antoine established with the French family helped him secure financial support as well as a visa for France. Family support. Family members already living in France ofered both material and moral support to participants. When planning their international mobility, Patrick, Ihab, Mahmoud, Walid, Wissam, Mo?¨se and Mathilde all expected material and moral support from their families upon arrival in France. When he was still in Lebanon, Patrick's family ofered him accommodation in Paris. This oriented his decision toward coming to and staying in France. Similarly, Mahmoud benefited from the help of his in-laws to establish himself in France. Mathilde had the possibility of staying at her aunt's ?at in Paris. This helped her to convince her parents to accept her choice of pursuing
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Similarly, as part of a joint university programme between Lebanon and France, Christelle first came to France in order to do an internship. During her first stay there, she met her future husband and thus decided to return in order to live with him.
Christelle: I did my Master's in journalism at [name of the university in Lebanon]. This was a Master's degree in journalism ofered in collaboration, in partnership, with Paris [a university in Paris] . . . I don't remember if it was [names of universities in Paris] . . . I came to France in order to do my internship, I met my future husband [in France] . . . . after returning to Lebanon I decided to travel again to France . . . .
Participants' use of cultural capital in undertaking international mobility Cultural capital includes culture, languages and academic qualifications (Bourdieu, 1986). An academic qualification 'confers on its holder a conventional, constant, legally guaranteed value with respect to culture' (Bourdieu, 1986, p. 248). As forms of capital are ?uid, there is a reciprocal nature of the links between deploying social,
Capital Mobilization of Skilled Migrants economic and cultural capitals, and symbolic capital. Proficiency in the host country's domi- nant language is known to be helpful in over- coming socio-cultural and structural challenges that migrant workers may face in the host labour market (Syed and Murray, 2009). Knowledge about the French way of life, coupled with schooling and university education in Lebanon, presented an opportunity for participants to learn about other cultures, specifically the French one, and to practise foreign languages such as English and French. Interviewees mentioned forms of cultural capital - such as education, languages, professional experience, culture, religious learn- ing and media knowledge - as helpful when relocating. Accordingly, the quotes and interpretations presented below show how partici- pants were aware of the value ascribed to their cultural capital when relocating to France. Academic qualifications and skills. In a previous section, we have discussed the case of Franc¸ois who was able to establish contacts with a Belgian business person in Lebanon who identified Franc¸ois' skills and assisted him in securing better career prospects in Europe. This points towards the significance of skills in international mobility of migrants. For some other participants in this study, there was evidence that having student status conferred upon them a position of'cultural capital pursuers', and thus legitimacy in obtaining student visas for Europe. This was a first step toward capital accumulation and deployment in France. Only Walid and Aline, who were French, along with Rabih, who was a Lebanese-American national, came and worked in France directly. These three participants did not have to get another status, such as tourist or student status, as all the other participants did, in order to undertake an international career. Antoine attended a Lebanese university that had agreements with French universities. This allowed him to be directly accepted in a French university and thus to leave for France. Charles did the same. By benefiting from academic agreements between Lebanese and French universities, participants were able to secure graduate acceptance and thus come to France. Mahmoud, Antoine, Charles, Samah, Yolla, Christelle and Wael all benefited from international agreements to relocate and pursue graduate studies. The agency of these participants
297 emerged as they used (and were aware of) their cultural capital, such as education received in Lebanon, coupled with social capital, i.e. net- works between Lebanese and French universities, in order to undertake international mobility. The other participants, who came with a student status, relied on their academic qualifica- tions received in Lebanon in order to secure acceptance in French universities. For example, this was the case for Imane and Elie, who aimed to attend prestigious French universities.
Elie: In France, [I pursued] a Master's in project management and innovation management at [name of the university] in Paris. This is a well-known university, ranking 12th among the 250 engineering schools in France. I was easily accepted upon submitting an application.
Prior knowledge of French culture. Cultural capital accumulated prior to their mobility facili- tated travelling to France. Participants' knowledge about the French culture and language helped them prepare for their journey. For example, Elie indicated that the French schooling he received in Lebanon, coupled with the exposure to Europe he acquired through the media in Lebanon, helped him understand other cultures.
Elie: . . . as we have [in Lebanon] an education that follows the French curriculum, and as we are much exposed to television channels and other French media, we live almost in a way similar to the French or Europeans! This allows us to gain a better understanding of the way other people think and behave . . . and their approach to professional life ... .
Elie's perception of the value of his cultural capital (i.e. cultural knowledge about France in this case) oriented him towards choosing France as a destination country and later establishing himself in France for work purposes. Similarly, Franc¸ois explained how his education in Leba- non gave him openness toward discovering the world. Franc¸ois indicated that having family members who had already relocated from Leba- non made it easier for him to travel. Rabih made use of his international work experience in the USA in order to move to France. In his decision to relocate to France, Rabih took into consideration professional aspects such as the type of company and work, personal life preferences like the distance to his home country, Lebanon, and
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298 cultural similarity to the destination country, France. Rabih capitalized on his cultural knowledge in order to make a decision to undertake international mobility based on work-life balance.
Rabih: This [moving to France] was a professional and personal choice. Professional as I aimed to work in such an organization [talking about his current employer] and to do this type of job. In addition, this was a personal choice as it allowed me to get nearer to Lebanon without being too far from the USA because I have family members there. This was also a chance to discover a country that I knew [through education] and had studied for a long time but where I had never been . . . . This was the occasion to give value to my previous qualifications and knowledge of the French language . . . . Mo?¨se: I applied [for a student visa to France] when I was waiting to go to France. I applied a second time, while continuing my studies in Lebanon, but it [the visa] was refused again . . . . Eight or nine years later, I applied for the third time and they granted me the visa . . ..
Similarly, Patrick applied for a visa for Canada but the procedure was very long and complex. After that, he submitted a visa application to France which was refused. He finally succeeded in getting a tourist visa for France. His plan was to apply for a work permit upon arrival in France rather than being a tourist. In sum, the way participants mobilized their cultural capital strongly supports the notion that they were aware of how they were deploying their agency. Participants' use of economic capital in undertaking international mobility Economic capital is essentially linked to financial resources such as money (Bourdieu, 1986). Financial resources emerged as essential tools in undertaking an international career. Interviewees used their own savings, secured funds from their families or people they knew, or acquired governmental or private bursaries as is shown in the discussion below. Economic support by family and friends. After secondary school, Antoine worked for a few years. His savings allowed him to travel for the first time to France in order to pursue his undergraduate studies. But he did not succeed and returned to Lebanon.
Antoine: When I first came in 1982, I went to the embassy and filled in an application; they gave me the visa immediately, knowing that I had 30,000 Lebanese pounds (LBP) [savings from his previous job] . . . no, 18,000 LBP . . . [around d5250 at that time]. So that [the money] helped!
Visa status. Visas provided the participants with a legitimate form of accessing the French society and culture. In this way, a visa may be seen as a form of cultural capital. After her first visit to France, Christelle returned a year later with a student visa in order to join her future husband. She was aware that getting a visa to France, except for studies, was very difcult. Accordingly, she opted for student status, knowing that she would not pursue the intended degree in France. This strategy gave Christelle a perceived power to overcome the visa barriers that would have otherwise prevented her from relocating to France.
Christelle: In order to come here [to France], I tricked everybody. I enrolled in a [French] university; I didn't want really to study [in France] because I already had an academic qualification in Lebanon, but I just needed a way to come to France. I knew that getting the [visa] papers would be complicated [if she asked for something other than a student visa], so I enrolled . . . in a course that was completely useless. But it was just a ruse [to come to France] and it allowed me to think of my future professional plans [upon arriving in France] . . . .
A similar theme was visible in other narratives in the present study that a visa gave participants a legitimacy to undertake an international career. Participants relied on their previous education, knowledge of the French language, and financial resources in order to support their visa applications for France. For example, Mo?¨se was refused a student visa twice. He was able to get it only after improving his French language and securing the acceptance to do a Master's degree in France.
With the financial help of a French family he knew from his first visit to France, Antoine left for the second time for France and started graduate studies. Charles's father was ready to pay his fees for study, travel and accommoda- tion, in order for him to pursue a PhD in France.
Charles: . . . he [his father] had savings, he was ready to invest, this was . . . this was my father's strategy since we were young: always investing in
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Capital Mobilization of Skilled Migrants
our education. For him, that is the best investment! So what he had [money], he was ready to spend [on education].
299 perceived social, cultural and economic capitals combined provide symbolic capital for an individual. It is a reciprocal relationship of attributed power between the constituent capitals and symbolic capital. Subjective and objective values of cultural, social and economic forms of capital. Three partici- pants possessed dual citizenship before relocating to France. Walid and Aline who possessed French citizenship as well as Rabih who had American citizenship did not face administrative difculties in leaving Lebanon. These three participants were able to make freer career choices as much fewer restrictions were placed upon their international mobility.
Rabih: I succeeded in enrolling in an American university, they [his parents] supported me . . . they let me do what I wanted to do . . . my mother is American so that helped! This was a choice [travelling to the USA] . . . . [When discussing the opportunity of working in France] This was an opportunity! I had done my studies in the USA, I had worked there too. So I did my graduate studies, then I started working, then I pursued my Master's. I applied to French and American organizations. I had a job ofer from [name of his French employer] who were hiring people from the USA, and in that way I came to France . . . .
There were participants such as Mathilde, Patrick and Wissam who used their families' resources in order to get accommodation in Paris. For instance, prior to leaving Lebanon, Mathilde benefited from her aunt's agreement to let her use her ?at. Having a family ?at exempted her from paying for accommodation and thus helped her to convince her parents to agree to her decision to relocate. Bursaries and scholarships. Max, Jean-Jacques, Mahmoud, Sylvain, Farida and Wael all bene- fited from bursaries in order to pursue under- graduate and graduate studies in France. While those who did not have bursaries relied on personal and family financial support, Max did not need support due to the economic capital he received via the bursary.
Max: I had a cousin who lived here [in France]. But I didn't need him because the [name of the private foundation providing him with a bursary] helped us [financially] a lot in that period.
Mahmoud, Farida and Wael were top-ranking students in their universities in Lebanon. Thus, by having accumulated a strong cultural capital in Lebanon, they secured scholarships to study in France.
Mahmoud: I was chosen among other students to pursue my studies in France, in view of getting a PhD in history . . . . I benefited from a scholarship from the state [Lebanon].
Participants' use of symbolic capital in undertaking international mobility Symbolic capital refers to a re?ected power gained by individuals through the mobilization of their economic, cultural or social capital valued by society. Ozbilgin and Tatli (2005) indicate that symbolic capital has both subjective and objective properties. The subjective dimen- sion is the value that an individual perceives. The objective dimension is the collective perception formed through a shared meaning of value. Participants in the present study showed aware- ness of both dimensions as explained below. Symbolic capital provides the power for indivi- dual agency but also works the other way. The
The diferent forms of capital mobilized by the participants (e.g. Rabih, a case in point) ascribed to them power (and thus objective symbolic capital) because of the legitimated nature of characteristics within the social, economic and cultural forms of capital. This objective value of symbolic capital is a result of the collective shared meaning of value of capitals. For example, Rabih deployed his cultural capital through his knowl- edge of the French culture, his education and professional experience in the USA, and his American citizenship. Rabih's narrative indicates the deployment of social capital (i.e. his mother is an American) as well as of economic capital (i.e. when mentioning the support of his parents). The value of the cultural and social capital that Rabih possessed implied for him and for his French employer a certain level of legitimacy and value as a citizen of a powerful country in the world. A subjective symbolic capital is the value that the participants perceive of their capital. This
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300 value difered depending on the perception that each participant had of her or his capital. For instance, by virtue of possessing diferent forms of capital (i.e. American citizenship, education and experience in the USA, social capital; among other forms of capital), Rabih perceived that he was able to undertake international mobility to France. Rabih's subjective accounts, on the surface, seem to support the way the concept of self-initiated expatriate supposes that individuals are likely to be free from structural constraints when making professional moves beyond geo- graphical settings. Nevertheless, not all participants valued equally their subjective symbolic capital. For instance, while Kamal, Tomasso, Patrick and others showed an awareness that they could not travel to Canada or the USA easily, Rabih went to the USA, received graduate and undergradu- ate studies as well as professional experience there, and then decided to move to France for work purposes. The subjective and objective forms of symbolic capital available for partici- pants in this study show how undertaking an international career is dependent not only on individual choices but also on opportunities and constraints that exist in the organizational and macro-contextual settings.
Kamal: Well I did not have the choice [of where to relocate]. I would have liked to travel to the USA . . . I could not do so . . . I would have preferred the USA, but this didn't happen. Even in Lebanon, I would have liked to work there but there were no opportunities [for work] . . . so I remained in France because this was easier!
A deep interpretation of the experiences of these participants reveals their deployment of symbolic capital. For example, when the participants perceived that their cultural, social and economic capital was valued and legitimized by the immigration institutions and organizations in France, they successfully (as perceived by them) accumulated and deployed further capital.
Discussion
Research in HRM, in particular studies on migration and self-initiated expatriation, have paid less attention to the multilevel experiences of ethnic minority skilled migrants in undertaking
international mobility from a developing to more developed countries. Our literature review showed how human capital is assumed to have an essential role in terms of understanding migration and international careers. Findings showed that human capital alone was not sufcient to undertake international mobility for the participants in this study. There is therefore a need to understand other forms of capital mobilization that skilled migrants from developing countries deploy in dealing with the barriers to their international career mobility. Using Bourdieu's approach to capital mobilization, the present study serves to extend our understanding of the strategies that skilled persons use in their migration. Beyond seeing migrants just as a big mass of people who have human capital that is easily transferable across countries, international mo- bility requires huge eforts that migrants from developing countries mobilize in order to under- take an international career. Furthermore, the explanations of self-initiated expatriation, in the case of developed countries, as an easy process to undertake were not valid for the Lebanese moving to France. Using Bourdieu's theory of capital (Ozbilgin and Tatli, 2005), the present study ofers an explanation of their experiences of accumulation and deployment of capital in such a way as to encompass individual, organizational and macro-contextual in?uences that afect their international career choices. The literature on self-initiated expatriation describes individuals as free to cross national boundaries (Doherty and Dickmann, 2008; In- kson and Myers, 2003). Little is known with respect to administrative difculties in obtaining visas and work permits for people coming from developing countries (Syed, 2008). In the present study, the three participants possessing dual citizenship, i.e. Lebanese coupled with French or American citizenship, faced a relatively easy immigration procedure. Those with only Leba- nese citizenship struggled to secure appropriate visas for France. In some cases, such as for Kamal, Tomasso and Patrick, administrative immigration restrictions obstructed their interna- tional mobility choices as they could not travel to Canada or the USA but came instead to France. While the contemporary career is understood as going beyond one organization or country (Arthur, 2008; Carraher, Sullivan and Crocitto, 2008), for those coming from Lebanon their
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Capital Mobilization of Skilled Migrants careers were subject to increasing barriers that severely limited their international career options. Therefore, participants experienced the in?uence of immigration policies that were very restrictive. Immigration institutional discourses in France were found to 'allow certain truths to be told, whilst simultaneously constraining others' (Jack and Lorbiecki, 2007, p. S92). For example, while the French government claims to be open towards accepting skilled labour migrants (Agence Nationale de l'Accueil des Etrangers et des Migrants, 2007a, 2007b; Centre d'Analyse Strategique, 2006), interviewees in this study reported that administrative restrictions were placed on them by the French visa services, thus restricting their international career choices. Therefore, they applied for student and tourist visas, hoping to get work permits upon arrival in France. Such restrictions imposed a delay upon them, before being able to integrate in the French job market. Bourdieu's theory on capital emerged here as particularly interesting for two main reasons. First, it provided a relational framework for explaining the capital deployment experiences of participants undertaking international mobility. This multilevel approach allowed us to overcome the macrocontextual focus in the skilled migration literature and the micro-individual emphasis in the selfinitiated expatriation studies. Of particular use here was Bourdieu's concept of habitus which helped us understand how participants' prior knowledge of French language and culture equipped them with a sense of how to act and respond in their daily lives in the host country. Second, by linking social, cultural, economic and symbolic forms of capital, this theory ofered a relational perspective for understanding capital deployment. Capital was not only a matter of education and professional experience. Thus, beyond a limited vision of human capital, participants deployed diferent forms of capital in combination to overcome barriers to their international mobility. Their narratives also pointed to the interdependent and overlapping nature of various forms of capital. For example,in many instances the professional and education network element of social capital also afected the academic qualifications and skill element of cultural capital. Similarly, friends' and family support (an element of social capital) resulted in better financial resources (an element of the economic capital) available to participants. Simi-
301 larly, social capital coupled with economic capital allowed participants to get scholarships. By mobilizing their capital, participants challenged the inequalities placed upon them by relocating from Lebanon. For example, participants es- caped war and poverty in Lebanon, shortage of educational prospects, lack of job opportunities, and administrative difculties such as getting a visa for France. The study also highlights the importance of the context when studying the international mobility of migrants. The socio-cultural, legal and institu- tional contexts of Lebanon and France emerged to have an essential in?uence on the international career choices of the participants in this study.
Conclusion
This paper reviewed two streams of literature on HRM that discuss international career experi- ences, i.e. the skilled migration literature and the selfinitiated expatriation literature. These litera- tures were shown to focus on human capital as a central issue for understanding skilled migration. The migration literature indicates that ?ows of migrants are high from developing to developed countries. Nevertheless, with a few exceptions (Al Ariss, 2010; Richardson, 2009), the usual focus of research in career and management studies is on migrants from developed countries who are described as free agents who can cross organiza- tional and national borders. Less attention is given to the strategies of capital mobilization by individuals from developing countries who under- take international mobility. By exploring the experiences of 39 Lebanese skilled migrants, this paper showed how a 'human capital' emphasis may ignore other forms of capital mobilization that skilled migrants from developing countries use when undertaking international career mobility. The paper demonstrated the way skilled migrants from a developing country need to mobilize social, cultural, economic and symbolic forms of capital in undertaking international mobility. The paper makes two main contributions to research in HRM, in particular to the literatures on migration and self-initiated expatriation. First, it extends our knowledge of the strategies that skilled migrants use to relocate from a developing country and ofers insights about their international mobility choices. It proposes an understanding of
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302 international careers that goes beyond the human capital focus in the literature and ofers a more inclusive picture of skilled migration. Second, using Bourdieu's theory of capital (Ozbilgin and Tatli, 2005), it ofers a relational and multilevel explanation of migrants' experiences of accumulation and deployment of capital in such a way as to encompass individual, organizational and macrocontextual in?uences that afect their career choices. Accordingly, this paper deals with an important social impact by developing a clearer understanding of the capital mobilization experi- ences of an ethnic minority group that has remained under-explored in HRM research. This may lead to a better understanding of our contemporary diverse societies (Kamenou, 2008) and may also advance HRM research by extending its international dimension (Martin-Alcazar, Ro- mero-Fernandez and SanchezGardey, 2008). There are thus significant social implications of this study, especially in terms of policies on immigration and diversity. Beyond the human capital approach used in the management literature on skilled migrants from developed countries, this study showed that migrants from developing countries need to rely on several, often interdependent, sources of capital to be successful in their international career mobility. Institutional and socio-cultural support is increasingly needed in a context where labour migrants are expected to fill job vacancies in developed countries. Further concrete steps are needed such as the formulation and implementation of immigration policies that are efective in helping migrants from developing countries, e.g. in their eforts of relocating and integrating in European job markets. It is, indeed, a fact that skilled migrants, as a human resource, are and will remain vital in sustaining high performance in organizations (Oettl and Agrawal, 2008). Organizations therefore have a real interest in ensuring that principles of meritocracy are applied by state institutions when it comes to hiring new migrants in their national labour markets. While the relatively small number of partici- pants is a clear limitation of this study, our aim was to expand the focus on human capital to other forms of capital in the migration and management literatures. Future scholars may wish to conduct further qualitative and quanti- tative research to determine if the findings can be generalized to other groups of migrants. Future self-initiated expatriation research may adopt
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multilevel and interdisciplinary perspectives when investigating the dynamics behind temporary and permanent migration. More specifically, studies of self-initiated expatriation could take a more international dimension by examining career experiences of ethnic minorities. Women and other disadvantaged groups may also constitute a research target for management studies investi- gating the experiences of migrants (e.g. Syed and Pio's (2010) study of migrant women in Austra- lia). This would help to reveal institutional and organizational dynamics that hinder interna- tional careers of minorities (Bendl, 2008; Ghum- man and Jackson, 2010).
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Akram Al Ariss is assistant professor of human resource management and Head of the HRM Department at Champagne School of Management, ESC Troyes, France. In 2009, he finished a PhD in management at the Norwich Business School, University of East Anglia, UK. His research focuses on career, diversity and migration. He is interested in interdisciplinary approaches to studying HRM. He has written several book chapters and journal papers on issues related to international HRM including papers in Thunderbird International Business Review, Career Development International, Work, Employment and Society and Personnel Review. He sits on the editorial boards of journals such as Equality, Diversity, and Inclusion and Journal of World Business. Before moving to academia, he attained an extensive experience in management consultancy in multinational organizations such as Hewlett-Packard (Beirut), Alcatel-Lucent (Paris), Assad Said Corp (Riyadh, KSA) and RATP (Paris). Jawad Syed is a lecturer in human resource management at Kent Business School, University of Kent, UK. His main academic interests include gender and diversity in organizations, cross-cultural HRM, strategic HRM and organizational knowledge. He received his PhD in HRM from Macquarie University, Australia, and completed a Postgraduate Certificate in Higher Education at the University of Kent, UK. He has written widely on issues related to business and HRM including his papers in the International Journal of Human Resource Management, Human Resource Management Journal and Human Resource Management Review.
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doc_784109899.docx
Case Study on Capital Mobilization of Skilled Migrants: A Relational Perspective, Capitalism is an economic system characterized by private or corporate ownership of capital goods, by investments that are determined by private decision, and by prices, production, and the distribution of goods that are determined mainly by competition in a free market.
Case Study on Capital Mobilization of Skilled Migrants: A Relational Perspective
A central issue for understanding skilled migration in the management literature is human capital. This emphasis ignores other important forms of capital mobilization that skilled migrants from developing countries deploy in dealing with the barriers to their international career mobility. There is therefore a need to develop a holistic understanding of capital mobilization of skilled migrants. In order to develop a more holistic picture, we deploy a relational and multilevel perspective to explore how skilled migrants from developing countries mobilize capital in their eforts to undertake an international career. Career is a central construct in this study. Drawing on a qualitative study of skilled Lebanese in Paris, the paper ofers two main contributions to the research on human resource management, in particular to the literatures on skilled migration and self-initiated expatriation. First it extends our understanding of the strategies that skilled migrants use to relocate from a developing country to an industrialized country. Beyond the traditional human capital perspective, it ofers insights about migrants' capital mobilization experiences of undertaking international mobility. Second, using Bourdieu's theory of capital, it ofers a relational explanation of their capital mobilization in a way to encompass micro-individual, meso-organizational and macro-contextual in?uences that afect their career choices.
Introduction
We examine how skilled migrants from a developing country mobilize diferent forms of capital to undertake an international career. We consider it important to understand the dynamics that underpin the migration of skilled individuals from developing countries to more developed ones, as they constitute a potential pool of human resources for organizations in the home and host countries (Bonache and Za´rraga-Oberty, 2008). We are interested in these dynamics in particular in terms of migrants' agency in shaping their capital as a part of international mobility. By the term 'skilled migrants' we refer to highly educated and experienced individuals. The paper is informed by two streams of literatures on human resource management (HRM) that discuss international career experiences, i.e.
skilled migration literature and self-initiated expatriation literature. These literatures focus on hu- man capital as a central issue for understanding skilled migration. This emphasis ignores other important forms of capital mobilization that skilled migrants from developing countries use when navigating the barriers to their international career mobility. Beyond the human capital approach used in the management literature on skilled migration from developed countries, we investigate the extent to which migrants from developing countries need to rely on several sources of capital to be successful in their career mobilization. We explore a wide range of capital mobilization strategies that skilled migrants use in undertaking international mobility. The paper makes two main contributions to research in HRM, in particular to the literatures on migration and self-initiated expatriation. First, it extends our understanding of the strategies that
Capital Mobilization of Skilled Migrants skilled migrants use to relocate from a developing country and ofers insights about their international mobility choices. This understanding goes beyond the human capital discourse and ofers a more holistic picture of skilled migration and international careers. Second, using Bourdieu's theory of capital (Chudzikowski and Mayrhofer, 2011; Ozbilgin and Tatli, 2005), it ofers an explanation of their experiences of accumulation and deployment of capital in such a way as to encompass individual, organizational and macro-contextual in?uences that afect their career choices. Through its deployment of a relational, multilevel perspective on capital mobilization of skilled migrants, the paper deals with a significant social impact, i.e. development of a clearer understanding of the capital mobilization experiences of an ethnic minority group that has remained under-explored in HRM research. This understanding may in turn lead to a better apprehension of our contemporary diverse societies (Kamenou, 2008). In other words, we seek to advance HRM research by extending its international dimension (Martin-Alcazar, Romero- Fernandez and Sanchez-Gardey, 2008). We start by reviewing literatures on migration and self-initiated expatriation. These literatures emerge as having a shortcoming in terms of their macrocontextual versus micro-individual focus. Therefore, a Bourdieuan approach (Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992) is found to ofer a better option that takes into account the agency of skilled migrants in navigating the structural barriers to their international career mobility. In the light of that, an empirical study is presented. The paper also highlights our main contribution to theory and implications for future research and practice.
287 have a fundamental assumption that human capital is a central element in international career development. Beyond this 'skill-oriented' explanation, these literatures do not explicate strate- gies of capital mobilization that skilled migrants from developing countries deploy in dealing with the barriers to their international career mobility. This paper ofers a relational perspective to build up a holistic understanding of capital mobiliza- tion of skilled migrants. Skilled migration The mobility of skilled individuals is discussed in the skilled migration literature mainly in terms of brain drain and brain gain (Baruch, Budhwar and Khatri, 2007). This literature reveals that there is an increasing need for skilled migrants in developed countries and in particular in Europe. It has a predominant assumption that human capital alone is enough for undertaking interna- tional mobility. Nevertheless, it omits a discus- sion, at the individual level, of migrants' relocation strategies in terms of capital accumu- lation and deployment. There is no definitive conclusion about whether migration is a loss of human capital for the sending countries or a gain for the receiving ones. Studies of brain drain commonly propose that the sending countries lose their human capital when skilled workers relocate on a permanent basis (Beine, Docquier and Rapoport, 2008). These countries pay the cost of educating and training their citizens without benefiting from their skills. In contrast, brain gain studies suggest that migrants benefit their countries such as by helping to decrease the rates of unemployment (Bardak, 2005). Additionally, migrants who return to their home countries, indefinitely or temporarily, transfer knowledge and skills ac- quired abroad. These aspects may help to create, develop and utilize social and professional net- works, thereby leading to cultural and economic exchanges between host and source countries (Bardak, 2005). It is pertinent to investigate the dynamics behind the mobility of skilled migrants as their numbers continually increase in the world (Beine, Docquier and Rapoport, 2008). One main challenge for the countries of the OECD in the coming years is that they will have fewer people available to meet the demands of their labour
Capital mobilization in skilled migration
The migration and self-initiated expatriation studies explore the labour market positions of individuals who have relocated in order to live and work abroad (Al Ariss, 2010). The literature on skilled migration is found to focus on macro- contextual matters, e.g. brain gain, brain drain, and migrants' remittances (Baruch, Budhwar and Khatri, 2007). The selfinitiated expatriation literature is shown to focus on the motivations and career outcomes of individuals who move abroad on their own. However, both literatures
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288 markets because of the increasing number of elderly people and the decreasing fertility rates (Keeley, 2007). Beyond the numbers showing the increasing proportion of skilled migrants, their strategies of relocation to the host countries remain largely under-researched (Collings, Scul- lion and Morley, 2007). Furthermore, the role of the state and organizations in regulating migration and shaping the experiences of migrants in the source and host countries is under-researched. For instance, in a paper that explains the growth of overseas nurse recruitment to the UK, Bach (2007) argues that the migration literature provides an incomplete view of the patterns of recruitment of skilled migrants. The same author shows how mainstream migration studies do not have ba- lanced individual-structural approaches in ex- plaining the patterns of migration. In summary, migration studies focus on macrocontextual matters such as brain gain and brain drain. However, migrants' mobilization of capital to immigrate remains under-investigated at the microindividual level. In light of this omission, it is worthwhile to examine the self-initiated expatriation literature that seems to focus more than migration studies on career choice matters of individuals. Self-initiated expatriation Unlike international assignees (Dickmann and Doherty, 2008; Harvey and Moeller, 2009), selfinitiated expatriates are not sent by their compa- nies but rather travel on their own initiative (Cerdin and Le Pargneux, 2010; Jokinen, Brewster and Suutari, 2008). However, many self-initiated expatriates stay in the new country on a perma- nent basis and thus become permanent migrant workers (Al Ariss and Ozbilgin, 2010a). The French-Algerian sociologist Sayad explains that one no longer knows if migration concerns a temporary condition, which one is content to prolong indefinitely, or, on the other hand, if it is more a permanent state in which one must live with an intense feeling of the temporary (Sayad, 2004). The literature on self-initiated expatriation is mainly concerned with the temporary travel of individuals and professionals coming from developed countries, e.g. New Zealand, Australia and the UK (Doherty and Dickmann, 2008; Inkson and Myers, 2003). This literature sufers from two inadequacies in accounting for the experiences of capital accumulation and deployment of self-initiated expatriates, which are discussed below. First, experiences of individuals in accumulating and deploying capital in order to self-expatriate are missing in this literature. Instead, the literature discusses a range of motivators that encourage people to self-expatriate. The reasons behind selfinitiated expatriation are reportedly linked to economic, cultural, family and career factors (Carr, Inkson and Thorn, 2005). For instance, learning about other cultures and building new social contacts are indicated as significant motives (Myers and Pringle, 2005). Motives are linked to the desire for adventure, such as discovering new cultures and living new experiences abroad (Ri- chardson and McKenna, 2003). Second, self-initiated expatriates are perceived as free agents who cross organizational and national borders, often unobstructed by barriers that constrain their career choices (Inkson et al., 1997). Accordingly their careers are understood to be 'contemporary', i.e. first, going beyond organizational and national boundaries; second, being characterized by higher uncertainty; and third, being managed increasingly by them, rather than by their organizations (Arthur, 2008). This presumes that individuals can undertake interna- tional careers independently of organizational and macrocontextual settings. Visa issues are an example of challenges that are linked to the contextual settings. We know little with respect to how self-initiated expatriates face and cope with administrative difculties in obtain- ing visas. Such factors can constrain them in their international mobility and thus could have nega- tive consequences on their career outcomes. For example, Richardson (2009) provides an insightful study that shows that countries and organizations are willing to recruit an international workforce but are sometimes unwilling to adjust their policies so as to fully use their human capital. Migrant workers who face such administrative barriers are known to have stronger career constraints (Syed, 2008). Drawing on interviews with 50 New Zealanders, Inkson and Myers (2003) found that, when self-initiated expatriates did not get appro- priate visas and work permits, they worked in jobs that did not suit their qualifications. To summarize, the literature on self-initiated expatriation has been mainly concerned with the
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Capital Mobilization of Skilled Migrants experiences of individuals from developed countries. Two gaps in the literature were identified with respect to the international mobility of individuals. First, the literature does not discuss strategies that individuals use in order to selfexpatriate. Second, it omits a discussion of career experiences of skilled migrants from developing countries, in particular those of ethnic minorities. Owing to diferences in socio-cultural and economic contexts of migrants from developing countries, their migration and career experiences in developed countries may be considerably difer- ent, especially with regard to barriers to entry. This paper fills these gaps by voicing the experiences of an under-researched group, i.e. the Lebanese, in their eforts to relocate from Lebanon.
289 skilled migrants' experiences of mobilizing their resources, over time, at multiple levels (Ozbilgin, 2006; Syed and O ¨ zbilgin, 2009). This allows migrants' power to act and change their social reality in the face of structural barriers to be recognized. The micro-individual level refers to the subjective experiences of skilled migrants in this study in using their career capital when relocating. The mesoorganizational level denotes the in?uence of intermediate forms of social organization, such as workplaces and academic institutions, on the experiences of individuals. The macro-contextual level refers to overall events that characterize the social settings and that can constrain or enable individuals in their choices of international mobility. Second, by linking diferent forms of capital, i.e. social, cultural, economic and symbolic capital, Bour- dieu ofers a relational perspective for understanding capital accumulation and deployment (Wilson et al., 2007). For example, economic capital may allow access to schools and universities, which ofer enhanced opportunities for accumulating cultural capital. Social capital may facilitate integration into the job market. This approach helps in overcoming the trap of considering only human capital when studying the experiences of skilled migrants. Furthermore, it ofers a possibility to understand capital in its various interdependent forms. Finally, habitus in Bourdieu's theory refers to unquestioned matters in society at the individual or group level, and implies habits in action. Habitus orients actions of capital accumulation and deployment without strictly determining these (Ozbilgin and Tatli, 2005). It is guided by one's past experiences and orients future actions. Mills and Gale (2007) explain that habitus includes values, conduct, speech, dress and manners common in one's everyday experiences in society. Habitus operates below the level of consciousness and orients individuals' practices by providing them with a sense of how to act and respond in their daily lives. Accordingly, indivi- duals usually know, even without consciously knowing, the right thing to do in the sense of being able to clearly explain what they are doing (Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992). Habitus is problematic when it perpetuates social inequal- ities. According to Friedland (2009), Bourdieu aligns all practices through the logic of domina- tion, which allows him to homologize group
A relational perspective on skilled migrants' capital mobilization
The foregoing review of the skilled migration and self-initiated expatriation literatures showed a shortcoming in terms of their macro-contextual versus micro-individual focus. Furthermore, the review showed a relative lack of attention in HRM research to capital mobilization that skilled migrants from developing countries deploy in dealing with the barriers to their international career mobility. A multilevel, relational perspec- tive on capital mobilization, we argue, ofers a better alternative that takes into account the agency of skilled migrants as well as the structural and institutional in?uences that shape their reality. Departing from a narrow focus on human capital, Bourdieu (1986) considers capital in its social, cultural, economic and symbolic forms. Cultural capital includes matters such as culture, language and academic qualifications. Economic capital is directly convertible into money and may also take the form of property rights. Another form of resources is social capital, which refers to personal networks and relationships. Finally, symbolic capital refers to re?ected power that gives individuals the ability to deploy other types of capital. This perspective is in particular helpful in understanding the way skilled migrants from a developing country mobilize diferent forms of capital in their eforts to immigrate. Two main advantages of using Bourdieu's theory could be seen for the purposes of this paper. First, this theory is helpful in explaining
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290 relations in every field. Addressing inequalities requires questioning the power through which ideas, actions and structures in society become accepted as self-evident. It entails inquiring about accepted social functioning to better understand power relations in society. Capital is viewed by Bourdieu as a means of perpetuating social inequalities by 'allowing certain people to succeed based not upon merit but upon the cultural experiences, the social ties and the economic resources they have access to' (Wacquant, 1998, p. 216). Questioning habitus in the accumulation and deployment of capital occurs by asking: 'whose interests are being served, and how' (Tripp, 1998, p. 37). For example, Kerr and Robinson (2009) recently employed the Bourdieuan concepts of 'habitus' and 'forms of capital' to examine the (re)production of domination in a British international organization. Next we discuss the diferent forms of capital in the light of Bourdieu's theory. Social capital Social capital is the sum of the resources that an individual or a group accrue from the possession of a network of relationships of 'mutual acquain- tance and recognition' (Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992, p. 119). These relationships may be socially instituted, i.e. guaranteed, by the application of a common name such as the name of a family, a class, a tribe, a school or a party (Bourdieu, 1986). Bourdieu asserts that forms of capital are interdependent. For example, the outcome of the educational qualifications depends on the social capital which can be used to back it up (Bourdieu, 1986). Social capital is thus useful in increasing the power of individuals to advance their interests in society through accumulating and deploying all forms of capital. Cultural capital Cultural capital refers to competences such as education, linguistic skills, cultural knowledge (e.g. an understanding of the host country's culture). Bourdieu suggests that cultural capital is present in three forms: embodied, objectified, and institutionalized (Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992). In the embodied state, it is in the form of culture (Bourdieu, 1986). This presupposes for an individual a process of embodiment (or incorporation). It implies inculcation and needs time which must be invested personally by the investor. In the present study, learning about the French culture is a good example of how Lebanese participants acquired an embodied cultural capi- tal. The objectified cultural capital exists in material objects, such as writings, paintings, monuments, instruments, and is transmissible in its materiality (Bourdieu, 1986). Finally, in its institutionalized form, cultural capital can take the form of academic qualifications. This con- stitutes a certificate of cultural competence which confers on its owner a legally guaranteed value with respect to society at a given moment in time (Bourdieu, 1986).
One has only to think of the concours [competitive recruitment examination] which, out of the con- tinuum of infinitesimal diferences between perfor- mances, produces sharp, absolute, lasting diferences, such as that which separates the last successful candidate from the first unsuccessful one, and institutes an essential diference between the ofcially recognized, guaranteed competence and simple cultural capital, which is constantly required to prove itself. (Bourdieu, 1986, p. 248)
Bourdieu points towards a link between economic and cultural capital, which is 'established through the mediation of the time needed for acquisition' (Bourdieu, 1986, p. 246). For exam- ple, diferences in the economic capital possessed by a family imply diferences in the opportunities available for the children of that family to accumulate cultural capital. The length of time for which a given individual can prolong his/her acquisition of cultural capital, e.g. by pursuing graduate studies, depends on the length of time for which his/her family can provide him/her with financial help. This financial support is often the precondition for the initial accumulation. Economic capital The human capital theory is oriented toward the maximization of profit and reduces exchanges between human beings to mercantile matters (Bourdieu, 1986). Beyond this limited understanding of the social functioning, Bourdieu explains that other forms of exchange exist between the diferent forms of capital.
Capital can present itself in three fundamental guises: as economic capital, which is immediately
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Capital Mobilization of Skilled Migrants
and directly convertible into money and may be institutionalized in the forms of property rights; as cultural capital, which is convertible, on certain conditions, into economic capital and may be institutionalized in the forms of educational qualifications; and as social capital, made up of social obligations ('connections'), which is convertible, in certain conditions, into economic capital and may be institutionalized in the forms of a title of nobility. (Bourdieu, 1986, p. 243)
291 Next, we describe the context of the present study by providing an overview of Lebanese migration to France.
Context of the study: Lebanese migration to France
In understanding the nature of the Lebanese migration to France, one needs to understand the historic links between the two countries. After the First World War, Syria, which had been part of the Ottoman Empire, including Arab territories, was divided between Britain and France as a mandated region. In Mount Lebanon, Maro- nites, a Christian community with historical ties to the Roman Catholic Church in Europe, aimed to create, with the help of the French, a state known as Greater Lebanon, which would be under their authority. In 1920, Henri Gouraud, the French High Commissioner in Beirut, announced the creation of the state of Greater Lebanon, with Beirut as its capital. In 1943, Lebanon achieved its independence from France. Lebanese emigrants came mainly to the Paris region where they integrated into the French job market, built their businesses, and developed professional and social networks (Abdulkarim, 1996). Understanding the patterns of their immigration to France allows for a better appreciation of their experiences of capital accumulation and deployment. There were several waves of Lebanese emigration to France. Prior to the Lebanese civil war in 1975, Lebanese who came to France were from the middle and higher class society in Lebanon and most were educated, ?uent in French, and wealthy (Al Ariss and Ozbilgin, 2010b). Many of them came in pursuit of higher education rather than permanent settlement. These early immi- grants relied on money sent from Lebanon in order to maintain their stay in France. However, starting in the mid-1980s, the economic problems in Lebanon inverted many of these trends. With the stagnation of the Lebanese economy, remit- tances by immigrants became a significant source of income for their families in Lebanon. The sojourn in France thus became more permanent (Al Ariss and Ozbilgin, 2010b). The relative political stability and superior economic pro- spects that France ofered, coupled with possible immigration opportunities and the privileged
Bourdieu gives the example of how children of those in control of industries, i.e. the economic elite in a society, need to attend well-established schools and universities in order to complement and give more credit to their economic capital by acquiring cultural and social capital. In that way, they first convert part of their economic capital to cultural capital, but in return, inheritors recon- vert their cultural and social capital into econom- ic power. Symbolic capital Symbolic capital refers to a re?ec ted power gained or inherited by individuals through the accumulation and deployment of any form of capital whether economic, cultural or social. Symbolic capital is accrued through the specific form of capital being legitimated and valued by society. For example, money is an accepted and reified form of economic capital although it has little inherent value. This concept is formed through the 'shared meanings of value' (Ozbilgin and Tatli, 2005, p. 862). Accordingly, symbolic capital is linked to power ascribed to the individual because of the legitimated nature of characteristics within the social, economic and cultural capitals. Symbolic capital, or in other words re?ected authority, is a key for the deployment of all other forms of capital. Doherty and Dickmann (2009) provide a good example of how symbolic capital can be used in HRM research. Drawing on 13 in-depth interviews and analysis of policy documents, the authors used a case study within the financial services sector to explore challenges in international assignment programmes. The 13 participants provided information on their career experiences as a repatriate within their organization. The study shows that the symbolic value of an international experience is rooted in the perceived benefits (by others in an organization) as an enhancing career experience.
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292 historical relations between Lebanese Christians and France, heralded France as a viable destina- tion for the Lebanese. The Lebanese in France have been building and drawing on cultural, social and economic resources that are rarely explored in the literature (Al Ariss and Ozbilgin, 2010b). The literature describes them as successful immigrants who adapted to mainstream society and the economy (Abdelhady, 2006). Abdulkarim (1996) reports that the majority of the Lebanese population in France are of the professional class, working mainly in management, engineering, medicine and media. Moreover, among Lebanese immi- grants, university-educated students constitute a reservoir of labour in French industries (Al Ariss and Ozbilgin, 2010b). Using qualitative methods, Abdelhady (2006) interviewed 77 Lebanese immigrants living in New York, Montreal and Paris. Results show that participants in France were able to balance between maintaining their ethnic identity and adapting very well into French society. They were also very active in accumulating and deploying social capital which was also the case for participants in this study. From the host country's perspective, French immigration policies indicate that the French government is open to labour migrants filling vacant jobs (Centre d'Analyse Strate´gique, 2006). For example, management, research, teaching and construction engineering jobs need to be filled by migrants (Agence Nationale de l'Accueil des Etrangers et des Migrants, 2007a). In 2007, French policy makers declared their willingness to attract skilled migrants from English-speaking countries while limiting other forms of migration (Agence Nationale de l'Accueil des Etrangers et des Migrants, 2007b). One explanation of such policies is that policy makers are pandering to the agenda of extreme right-wing voters who hold African and Arab immigrants (mostly coming from former French colonies) responsible for France's ongoing economic and social problems. Lebanon, an Arab developing country that was previously under the French mandate, falls out- side the 'English-speaking' criteria. For instance, in a recent ofcial letter sent by the French Presidency to the Ministry of Immigration (Sarkozy and Fillon, 2007), it was requested that immigration policies be more selective, e.g. in terms of the geographical origins of migrants. There are therefore increasing barriers placed
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upon those travelling from developing countries to France. Furthermore, restrictions are also placed upon French organizations willing to bring foreigners to France. Employers have to prove that no other person in France can fill the vacancy in question (Centre d'Analyse Strategique, 2006).
The study
This study answers the following research question: 'How do skilled migrants from a developing country mobilize diferent forms of capital in their eforts to undertake international mobility?' The study draws on 39 qualitative interviews conducted in 2007 and 2008 with skilled Lebanese migrants - 16 women and 23 men - living in Paris. Access to Lebanese interviewees was sought through varied methods in order to ensure adequate participation. The snowballing techni- que, social contacts, cold calls, and also an internet address book were utilized. Table 1 details methods of access and the number of participants acquired through each method. The first author who conducted the interviews is a Lebanese man who lives in Paris. Although this allowed for privileged research access, researching migration in France is a contentious topic and it took considerable time to find interviewees and establish networks to assist in gaining access. Gaining access to female partici- pants was more difcult than gaining access to male participants. To achieve a diverse group of participants in terms of professional experience, gender and age, purposeful sampling was used. Table 2 provides demographic details about the participants. The study maintained confidential- ity as the names of the participants were changed. All participants had migrated from Lebanon and had worked in France for at least a few months. They came to France with no defined time frame in mind and their period of migration varied between two and 39 years. Twenty-seven
Table 1. Methods of research access to migrants Method Snowballing technique Social contacts Cold calls Internet guide on Lebanese abroad Number of cases 20 16 12
Capital Mobilization of Skilled Migrants
Table 2. Migrants' demographic profiles No. Pseudonym Age Sex Religious background Christian Christian Christian Christian Christian Muslim Christian Muslim Muslim Christian Muslim Muslim Muslim Muslim Muslim Muslim Christian Muslim Christian Muslim Muslim Muslim Christian Muslim Unknown Muslim Muslim Muslim Muslim Christian Muslim Christian Muslim Muslim Muslim Christian Muslim Christian Christian Level of studies Master's Master's Doctoral Master's Master's Doctoral Master's Master's Bachelor's Master's Master's Bachelor's Doctoral Bachelor's Master's Doctoral Doctoral Bachelor's Doctoral Master's Master's Master's Master's Master's Master's Master's Doctoral Bachelor's Bachelor's Doctoral Masters Bachelor's Doctoral Bachelor's Master's Master's Doctoral Master's Master's Studied in France prior to working Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No No Yes Yes Yes No No Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No Yes Yes Yes Current expertise Management Engineering Management Management Engineering Management Management Engineering Unemployed Management Engineering Management Medical doctor Management Management Management Academic Management Management Management Engineering Engineering Engineering Engineering Engineering Management Medical doctor Management Unemployed Management Engineering Management Medical doctor Engineering Unemployed Engineering Management Management Management Position
293
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39
Aline Antoine Charles Christelle Elie Farida Fouad Franc¸ois Hiba Ihab Imane Jean-Jacques Kamal Karima Latifa Mahmoud Mathilde Max Melhem Mohamad Mo?¨se Mustafa Patrick Rabih Salim Samah Samir Shadya Sihame Souad Sylvain Tatiana Tomasso Wael Wafa Walid Warde Wissam Yolla
55 49 27 34 29 55 39 49 29 26 54 42 61 49 49 62 27 41 57 32 34 25 45 32 55 57 55 49 34 39 39 47 44 30 46 31 60s 26 27
Female Male Male Female Male Female Male Male Female Male Female Male Male Female Female Male Female Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Female Male Female Female Female Male Female Male Male Female Male Female Male Female
Employee Employee Employee Employee Employee Employee Owner Owner Unemployed Employee Owner Employee Owner Employee Employee Owner Employee Owner Employee Employee Employee Employee Employee Employee Owner Employee Employee Employee Unemployed Owner Owner Employee Partner Employee Unemployed Employee Employee Employee Employee
participants had acquired French citizenship by the time of the interview, while most of the others had only Lebanese citizenship. They had various educational levels, such as doctorate and Mas- ter's and Bachelor's degrees. Thus, participants in this study completed a minimum of a Bachelor's degree in Lebanon or in France. They were employed in organizations, entrepreneurs or unemployed (only three interviewees). Excluding the three participants who were unemployed, interviewees worked in management, engineering, medicine and education. Collection of data and sampling were carried out at the same time. Data
collected informed subsequent choice of interviewees. For example, two Muslim women who wore the Islamic veil were selected to inquire into difculties faced by Muslim women based on their choice of dress in France. Almost half of the participants were married and the other half were single or dating. All but two interviews were audio-recorded (later transcribed); detailed notes were taken dur- ing the two interviews not audio-recorded. In all cases, observational notes were taken regarding participants' work environments, outside interactions and facial expressions. The interviews were
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294 conducted in participants' homes, ofces or other places where it was easy to converse with the interviewee. The interviews lasted approximately an hour and most were conducted in French. All interviews were conducted on a one-to-one basis. In this paper, exclamation marks in the interview transcripts are used to show participants' emphasis on a point, and thus to make the text more comprehensible. The following issues were discussed during the interviews within the remit of the overarching research question. First, we obtained background information on the participants such as age, place of birth, period of stay in France, current job, citizenship, marital status, number of children, and spoken and written language(s). Additionally, open-ended questions were asked concerning themes that included participants' reasons and strategies for leaving Lebanon, their choice of relocating to France, family connections in Lebanon and in France, frequency of travelling to Lebanon, remittances sent to Lebanon and any possible plans to return to Lebanon or to leave for elsewhere. Other questions were included regarding participants' education and career experiences, adequate match between the participants' qualifi- cations and their jobs, discrimination experiences, if any, career plans, key people/networks/organiza- tions that have in?uenced careers, evaluation of career as success or failure, changing their name in France, social relations, memberships in profes- sional or other networks, helping Lebanese people or other migrants, religious afliation and its in?uence on the participants' careers, and partici- pants' coping strategies. QSR NVivo software was used to arrange and code the data collected. This software helps to identify, code and connect themes together in a systematic fashion. In this exploratory study, although the nodes were driven predominantly by the data, they were also informed by the authors' reading of the literature (Fendt and Sachs, 2008). Coding was iterative where new nodes were added as they emerged from the following inter- views. Although this approach to analysis was time consuming, it encouraged in-depth exam- ination of the data, as each transcript was read many times. A priori nodes were focused around the reasons for departure from Lebanon, the expatriation experience, and possibilities of re- turn. However, after several interviews were conducted and as analysis was progressing, key themes began to emerge regarding participants'
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experiences of capital accumulation and deployment. For example, social capital was linked to family, friendship and professional relationships. Accumulating social capital was also coupled with professional difculties. Similarly, the de- ployment of capital was in?uenced by factors such as gender and ethnicity that were also coded. Underemployment and unemployment were first mainly linked to France. However, it soon became apparent that participants had similar experiences in Lebanon so these were included in the analysis. Upon the completion of coding and analysis, selected quotes were trans- lated from French to English to be included in this paper.
Research findings
We have shown in our literature review that research in HRM does not fully address the experiences of ethnic minority skilled migrants in undertaking international mobility. Literatures on skilled migration and self-initiated expatria- tion were shown to ignore forms of capital mobilization that skilled migrants from develop- ing countries deploy in dealing with the barriers to their international career mobility. Findings in this section discuss a wide range of capital mobilization strategies that this group of mi- grants use in undertaking international mobility. Relocating from Lebanon to France was full of administrative complexities and barriers for the participants. With the absence of organizational and institutional support, they deployed social, cultural, economic and symbolic forms of capital in order to undertake international mobility. Forms of capital mobilized by the Lebanese participants in order to leave Lebanon were intrinsically linked. Accordingly, relational and family networks, education and academic quali- fications, professional experience, money and power were particularly useful in the migration process. Table 3 ofers a summary of key themes, and specimen experiences of the use of capital of skilled migrants, as revealed in this study. Participants' use of social capital in undertaking international mobility Twenty-one participants in our study drew on the support of family and friends, as well as personal
Capital Mobilization of Skilled Migrants
Table 3. A Bourdieuan perspective on capital of skilled migrants Type of capital Social capital Description Resources that are accrued by , Personal contacts and friendships , Family support Specimen experience
295
Cultural capital
Economic capital
Symbolic capital
virtue of one's relationships, such as family, college or professional memberships Tomasso: A friend enrolled me without really believing he'd done it! I was accepted, so I went! Mahmoud: I had the support of my in-laws . . . they did everything they could so that I come to France. They showed us several ?ats, they helped us financially so that we could settle, and they wanted us to be near them . . . Yolla: I took an academic programme between [two universities in] Lebanon and France . . . . It was a Master's in management . . . . I did one , Professional and semester in Lebanon, two semesters in Paris, and then a final semester in educational networks Lebanon. [Thus, as of the educational network established between the two universities, it was possible for the participant to relocate to France to enhance her qualification] Cultural capital includes competences such as education, language skills and cultural knowledge Elie: [I pursued] a Master's in project management and innovation management at [name , Academic qualifications of the university]. This is a well-known university, ranking 12th among the 250 and skills engineering schools in France. I was easily accepted upon submitting an application Elie: . . . we have [in Lebanon] an education that follows the French curriculum, and as , Prior knowledge of the host culture we are much exposed to television channels and other French media, we live almost in a similar way to the French, Europeans or others do . . . . This allows us to gain a better understanding of the way other people think and behave . . . and their approach to professional life . . . Antoine: Before [coming to France] I wanted to go to Canada to study , Obtaining visas dentistry. But they [the Canadian authorities] refused [my visa] . . . so it didn't work out. I tried the USA by making two applications but it didn't work out . . . travelling to France was easier because getting the visa was easier! Economic resources as essential tools in undertaking international mobility Antoine: . . . the help of this [French] family [a previous acquaintance] allowed me to , Economic support by return and study for one year here. Because at that time, as things had changed, you family and friends couldn't get a visa unless you had a bank account, you had to show money or you had to be sponsored . . . Jean-Jacques: There was a foundation sending people to study in France, USA, , Bursaries and scholarships or elsewhere. It was an advantage for me to leave Lebanon! Because I could have pursued my studies in Lebanon but the [political] situation in Lebanon was catastrophic! It was very difcult. It was better to leave Lebanon and that's what I did The re?ected power that gives individuals the ability to accumulate and deploy social, cultural and economic capital. A reciprocal nature exists between power deploying social, economic and cultural capitals, and symbolic capital. Rabih: I succeeded in enrolling in an American university, they [parents] supported , Subjective and objective values of me . . . my mother is American so that helped [in travelling]. social, cultural, [When discussing the opportunity of working in France] This was an economic capital opportunity! I had done my studies in the USA, I had worked there too. So I did my graduate studies, then I started working, then I pursued my Master's. I applied to French and American organizations. I had a job ofer from [his French employer] who were hiring people from the USA, and in that way I came to France . ..
and professional networks, in order to leave Lebanon. Social capital emerged as a key tool for relocating, accumulating and deploying other forms of capital. Those who did not possess social capital when undertaking their interna- tional mobility relied on other forms of capital, i.e. cultural, economic and symbolic forms.
Personal contacts and friendships. By using their social relationships, Samir, Tomasso and Franc¸ois were all able to enrol in European universities. This was a first step towards moving to European countries before establishing themselves in France. Samir first attempted to leave Lebanon by apply- ing to French universities, hoping to be accepted.
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296 However, he received no answer to his university applications. Following these unsuccessful eforts, he was accepted in a Belgian university through the help of a Lebanese man from his village. As for Tomasso, it was difcult for him to pursue under- graduate studies in Lebanon during wartime. This oriented him toward international mobility. The opportunity to leave Lebanon emerged after a Lebanese friend enrolled him in a medical school in Italy. Franc¸ois established contacts with a Belgian business person in Lebanon who enrolled him in a Belgian university. Franc¸ois linked the use of social capital to the cultural capital he possessed: the Belgian man identified Franc¸ois' skills and thus helped him secure better career prospects outside Lebanon. Social capital was best utilized when coupled with cultural capital, i.e. Franc¸ois' extensive cultural knowledge.
Franc¸ois: I used to work in a hotel, and due to this job, I met a Belgian man who noticed that my work didn't suit my qualifications. He proposed that I travel to Belgium. At that time . . . in Lebanon, in the 1970s, I had a worldwide cultural knowledge; I had read Kant, Hegel . . . a large cultural education. I was able to discuss issues beyond the Lebanese culture. I had a general cultural knowledge and that person noticed that.
graduate studies in France. Furthermore, one of the main reasons that oriented Mo?¨se toward pursuing his studies in France was the presence of his brother there.
Mo?¨se: I have my brother, his family . . . he has been here 22 or 23 years . . . he helped me to come . . . it's him . . . well I told myself that I had my brother there [in France] . . . so if I had difculties he would help me ... .
Professional and educational networks. Mah- moud, Antoine, Charles, Samah, Yolla, Chris- telle and Wael all benefited from the agreements between their Lebanese universities and French ones. For example, Samah's university in Leba- non had links with one in France, which helped her relocate to pursue graduate studies. Similarly, Yolla was able to come to France as she chose to pursue a Master's degree run jointly by Lebanese and French universities.
Samah: . . . upon my arrival in Lyon [in France] in 1976, I was able to enrol after just a few tests, just a small entry test! I enrolled in a Master's in law, because the university in Lyon had an agreement with the [the name of her university in Lebanon] . . . so this was an excellent chance!
Similarly, Antoine travelled to France in order to pursue engineering studies. This was possible due to the financial help of a French family that he had met during an earlier sojourn in France. The contacts Antoine established with the French family helped him secure financial support as well as a visa for France. Family support. Family members already living in France ofered both material and moral support to participants. When planning their international mobility, Patrick, Ihab, Mahmoud, Walid, Wissam, Mo?¨se and Mathilde all expected material and moral support from their families upon arrival in France. When he was still in Lebanon, Patrick's family ofered him accommodation in Paris. This oriented his decision toward coming to and staying in France. Similarly, Mahmoud benefited from the help of his in-laws to establish himself in France. Mathilde had the possibility of staying at her aunt's ?at in Paris. This helped her to convince her parents to accept her choice of pursuing
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Similarly, as part of a joint university programme between Lebanon and France, Christelle first came to France in order to do an internship. During her first stay there, she met her future husband and thus decided to return in order to live with him.
Christelle: I did my Master's in journalism at [name of the university in Lebanon]. This was a Master's degree in journalism ofered in collaboration, in partnership, with Paris [a university in Paris] . . . I don't remember if it was [names of universities in Paris] . . . I came to France in order to do my internship, I met my future husband [in France] . . . . after returning to Lebanon I decided to travel again to France . . . .
Participants' use of cultural capital in undertaking international mobility Cultural capital includes culture, languages and academic qualifications (Bourdieu, 1986). An academic qualification 'confers on its holder a conventional, constant, legally guaranteed value with respect to culture' (Bourdieu, 1986, p. 248). As forms of capital are ?uid, there is a reciprocal nature of the links between deploying social,
Capital Mobilization of Skilled Migrants economic and cultural capitals, and symbolic capital. Proficiency in the host country's domi- nant language is known to be helpful in over- coming socio-cultural and structural challenges that migrant workers may face in the host labour market (Syed and Murray, 2009). Knowledge about the French way of life, coupled with schooling and university education in Lebanon, presented an opportunity for participants to learn about other cultures, specifically the French one, and to practise foreign languages such as English and French. Interviewees mentioned forms of cultural capital - such as education, languages, professional experience, culture, religious learn- ing and media knowledge - as helpful when relocating. Accordingly, the quotes and interpretations presented below show how partici- pants were aware of the value ascribed to their cultural capital when relocating to France. Academic qualifications and skills. In a previous section, we have discussed the case of Franc¸ois who was able to establish contacts with a Belgian business person in Lebanon who identified Franc¸ois' skills and assisted him in securing better career prospects in Europe. This points towards the significance of skills in international mobility of migrants. For some other participants in this study, there was evidence that having student status conferred upon them a position of'cultural capital pursuers', and thus legitimacy in obtaining student visas for Europe. This was a first step toward capital accumulation and deployment in France. Only Walid and Aline, who were French, along with Rabih, who was a Lebanese-American national, came and worked in France directly. These three participants did not have to get another status, such as tourist or student status, as all the other participants did, in order to undertake an international career. Antoine attended a Lebanese university that had agreements with French universities. This allowed him to be directly accepted in a French university and thus to leave for France. Charles did the same. By benefiting from academic agreements between Lebanese and French universities, participants were able to secure graduate acceptance and thus come to France. Mahmoud, Antoine, Charles, Samah, Yolla, Christelle and Wael all benefited from international agreements to relocate and pursue graduate studies. The agency of these participants
297 emerged as they used (and were aware of) their cultural capital, such as education received in Lebanon, coupled with social capital, i.e. net- works between Lebanese and French universities, in order to undertake international mobility. The other participants, who came with a student status, relied on their academic qualifica- tions received in Lebanon in order to secure acceptance in French universities. For example, this was the case for Imane and Elie, who aimed to attend prestigious French universities.
Elie: In France, [I pursued] a Master's in project management and innovation management at [name of the university] in Paris. This is a well-known university, ranking 12th among the 250 engineering schools in France. I was easily accepted upon submitting an application.
Prior knowledge of French culture. Cultural capital accumulated prior to their mobility facili- tated travelling to France. Participants' knowledge about the French culture and language helped them prepare for their journey. For example, Elie indicated that the French schooling he received in Lebanon, coupled with the exposure to Europe he acquired through the media in Lebanon, helped him understand other cultures.
Elie: . . . as we have [in Lebanon] an education that follows the French curriculum, and as we are much exposed to television channels and other French media, we live almost in a way similar to the French or Europeans! This allows us to gain a better understanding of the way other people think and behave . . . and their approach to professional life ... .
Elie's perception of the value of his cultural capital (i.e. cultural knowledge about France in this case) oriented him towards choosing France as a destination country and later establishing himself in France for work purposes. Similarly, Franc¸ois explained how his education in Leba- non gave him openness toward discovering the world. Franc¸ois indicated that having family members who had already relocated from Leba- non made it easier for him to travel. Rabih made use of his international work experience in the USA in order to move to France. In his decision to relocate to France, Rabih took into consideration professional aspects such as the type of company and work, personal life preferences like the distance to his home country, Lebanon, and
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298 cultural similarity to the destination country, France. Rabih capitalized on his cultural knowledge in order to make a decision to undertake international mobility based on work-life balance.
Rabih: This [moving to France] was a professional and personal choice. Professional as I aimed to work in such an organization [talking about his current employer] and to do this type of job. In addition, this was a personal choice as it allowed me to get nearer to Lebanon without being too far from the USA because I have family members there. This was also a chance to discover a country that I knew [through education] and had studied for a long time but where I had never been . . . . This was the occasion to give value to my previous qualifications and knowledge of the French language . . . . Mo?¨se: I applied [for a student visa to France] when I was waiting to go to France. I applied a second time, while continuing my studies in Lebanon, but it [the visa] was refused again . . . . Eight or nine years later, I applied for the third time and they granted me the visa . . ..
Similarly, Patrick applied for a visa for Canada but the procedure was very long and complex. After that, he submitted a visa application to France which was refused. He finally succeeded in getting a tourist visa for France. His plan was to apply for a work permit upon arrival in France rather than being a tourist. In sum, the way participants mobilized their cultural capital strongly supports the notion that they were aware of how they were deploying their agency. Participants' use of economic capital in undertaking international mobility Economic capital is essentially linked to financial resources such as money (Bourdieu, 1986). Financial resources emerged as essential tools in undertaking an international career. Interviewees used their own savings, secured funds from their families or people they knew, or acquired governmental or private bursaries as is shown in the discussion below. Economic support by family and friends. After secondary school, Antoine worked for a few years. His savings allowed him to travel for the first time to France in order to pursue his undergraduate studies. But he did not succeed and returned to Lebanon.
Antoine: When I first came in 1982, I went to the embassy and filled in an application; they gave me the visa immediately, knowing that I had 30,000 Lebanese pounds (LBP) [savings from his previous job] . . . no, 18,000 LBP . . . [around d5250 at that time]. So that [the money] helped!
Visa status. Visas provided the participants with a legitimate form of accessing the French society and culture. In this way, a visa may be seen as a form of cultural capital. After her first visit to France, Christelle returned a year later with a student visa in order to join her future husband. She was aware that getting a visa to France, except for studies, was very difcult. Accordingly, she opted for student status, knowing that she would not pursue the intended degree in France. This strategy gave Christelle a perceived power to overcome the visa barriers that would have otherwise prevented her from relocating to France.
Christelle: In order to come here [to France], I tricked everybody. I enrolled in a [French] university; I didn't want really to study [in France] because I already had an academic qualification in Lebanon, but I just needed a way to come to France. I knew that getting the [visa] papers would be complicated [if she asked for something other than a student visa], so I enrolled . . . in a course that was completely useless. But it was just a ruse [to come to France] and it allowed me to think of my future professional plans [upon arriving in France] . . . .
A similar theme was visible in other narratives in the present study that a visa gave participants a legitimacy to undertake an international career. Participants relied on their previous education, knowledge of the French language, and financial resources in order to support their visa applications for France. For example, Mo?¨se was refused a student visa twice. He was able to get it only after improving his French language and securing the acceptance to do a Master's degree in France.
With the financial help of a French family he knew from his first visit to France, Antoine left for the second time for France and started graduate studies. Charles's father was ready to pay his fees for study, travel and accommoda- tion, in order for him to pursue a PhD in France.
Charles: . . . he [his father] had savings, he was ready to invest, this was . . . this was my father's strategy since we were young: always investing in
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Capital Mobilization of Skilled Migrants
our education. For him, that is the best investment! So what he had [money], he was ready to spend [on education].
299 perceived social, cultural and economic capitals combined provide symbolic capital for an individual. It is a reciprocal relationship of attributed power between the constituent capitals and symbolic capital. Subjective and objective values of cultural, social and economic forms of capital. Three partici- pants possessed dual citizenship before relocating to France. Walid and Aline who possessed French citizenship as well as Rabih who had American citizenship did not face administrative difculties in leaving Lebanon. These three participants were able to make freer career choices as much fewer restrictions were placed upon their international mobility.
Rabih: I succeeded in enrolling in an American university, they [his parents] supported me . . . they let me do what I wanted to do . . . my mother is American so that helped! This was a choice [travelling to the USA] . . . . [When discussing the opportunity of working in France] This was an opportunity! I had done my studies in the USA, I had worked there too. So I did my graduate studies, then I started working, then I pursued my Master's. I applied to French and American organizations. I had a job ofer from [name of his French employer] who were hiring people from the USA, and in that way I came to France . . . .
There were participants such as Mathilde, Patrick and Wissam who used their families' resources in order to get accommodation in Paris. For instance, prior to leaving Lebanon, Mathilde benefited from her aunt's agreement to let her use her ?at. Having a family ?at exempted her from paying for accommodation and thus helped her to convince her parents to agree to her decision to relocate. Bursaries and scholarships. Max, Jean-Jacques, Mahmoud, Sylvain, Farida and Wael all bene- fited from bursaries in order to pursue under- graduate and graduate studies in France. While those who did not have bursaries relied on personal and family financial support, Max did not need support due to the economic capital he received via the bursary.
Max: I had a cousin who lived here [in France]. But I didn't need him because the [name of the private foundation providing him with a bursary] helped us [financially] a lot in that period.
Mahmoud, Farida and Wael were top-ranking students in their universities in Lebanon. Thus, by having accumulated a strong cultural capital in Lebanon, they secured scholarships to study in France.
Mahmoud: I was chosen among other students to pursue my studies in France, in view of getting a PhD in history . . . . I benefited from a scholarship from the state [Lebanon].
Participants' use of symbolic capital in undertaking international mobility Symbolic capital refers to a re?ected power gained by individuals through the mobilization of their economic, cultural or social capital valued by society. Ozbilgin and Tatli (2005) indicate that symbolic capital has both subjective and objective properties. The subjective dimen- sion is the value that an individual perceives. The objective dimension is the collective perception formed through a shared meaning of value. Participants in the present study showed aware- ness of both dimensions as explained below. Symbolic capital provides the power for indivi- dual agency but also works the other way. The
The diferent forms of capital mobilized by the participants (e.g. Rabih, a case in point) ascribed to them power (and thus objective symbolic capital) because of the legitimated nature of characteristics within the social, economic and cultural forms of capital. This objective value of symbolic capital is a result of the collective shared meaning of value of capitals. For example, Rabih deployed his cultural capital through his knowl- edge of the French culture, his education and professional experience in the USA, and his American citizenship. Rabih's narrative indicates the deployment of social capital (i.e. his mother is an American) as well as of economic capital (i.e. when mentioning the support of his parents). The value of the cultural and social capital that Rabih possessed implied for him and for his French employer a certain level of legitimacy and value as a citizen of a powerful country in the world. A subjective symbolic capital is the value that the participants perceive of their capital. This
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300 value difered depending on the perception that each participant had of her or his capital. For instance, by virtue of possessing diferent forms of capital (i.e. American citizenship, education and experience in the USA, social capital; among other forms of capital), Rabih perceived that he was able to undertake international mobility to France. Rabih's subjective accounts, on the surface, seem to support the way the concept of self-initiated expatriate supposes that individuals are likely to be free from structural constraints when making professional moves beyond geo- graphical settings. Nevertheless, not all participants valued equally their subjective symbolic capital. For instance, while Kamal, Tomasso, Patrick and others showed an awareness that they could not travel to Canada or the USA easily, Rabih went to the USA, received graduate and undergradu- ate studies as well as professional experience there, and then decided to move to France for work purposes. The subjective and objective forms of symbolic capital available for partici- pants in this study show how undertaking an international career is dependent not only on individual choices but also on opportunities and constraints that exist in the organizational and macro-contextual settings.
Kamal: Well I did not have the choice [of where to relocate]. I would have liked to travel to the USA . . . I could not do so . . . I would have preferred the USA, but this didn't happen. Even in Lebanon, I would have liked to work there but there were no opportunities [for work] . . . so I remained in France because this was easier!
A deep interpretation of the experiences of these participants reveals their deployment of symbolic capital. For example, when the participants perceived that their cultural, social and economic capital was valued and legitimized by the immigration institutions and organizations in France, they successfully (as perceived by them) accumulated and deployed further capital.
Discussion
Research in HRM, in particular studies on migration and self-initiated expatriation, have paid less attention to the multilevel experiences of ethnic minority skilled migrants in undertaking
international mobility from a developing to more developed countries. Our literature review showed how human capital is assumed to have an essential role in terms of understanding migration and international careers. Findings showed that human capital alone was not sufcient to undertake international mobility for the participants in this study. There is therefore a need to understand other forms of capital mobilization that skilled migrants from developing countries deploy in dealing with the barriers to their international career mobility. Using Bourdieu's approach to capital mobilization, the present study serves to extend our understanding of the strategies that skilled persons use in their migration. Beyond seeing migrants just as a big mass of people who have human capital that is easily transferable across countries, international mo- bility requires huge eforts that migrants from developing countries mobilize in order to under- take an international career. Furthermore, the explanations of self-initiated expatriation, in the case of developed countries, as an easy process to undertake were not valid for the Lebanese moving to France. Using Bourdieu's theory of capital (Ozbilgin and Tatli, 2005), the present study ofers an explanation of their experiences of accumulation and deployment of capital in such a way as to encompass individual, organizational and macro-contextual in?uences that afect their international career choices. The literature on self-initiated expatriation describes individuals as free to cross national boundaries (Doherty and Dickmann, 2008; In- kson and Myers, 2003). Little is known with respect to administrative difculties in obtaining visas and work permits for people coming from developing countries (Syed, 2008). In the present study, the three participants possessing dual citizenship, i.e. Lebanese coupled with French or American citizenship, faced a relatively easy immigration procedure. Those with only Leba- nese citizenship struggled to secure appropriate visas for France. In some cases, such as for Kamal, Tomasso and Patrick, administrative immigration restrictions obstructed their interna- tional mobility choices as they could not travel to Canada or the USA but came instead to France. While the contemporary career is understood as going beyond one organization or country (Arthur, 2008; Carraher, Sullivan and Crocitto, 2008), for those coming from Lebanon their
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Capital Mobilization of Skilled Migrants careers were subject to increasing barriers that severely limited their international career options. Therefore, participants experienced the in?uence of immigration policies that were very restrictive. Immigration institutional discourses in France were found to 'allow certain truths to be told, whilst simultaneously constraining others' (Jack and Lorbiecki, 2007, p. S92). For example, while the French government claims to be open towards accepting skilled labour migrants (Agence Nationale de l'Accueil des Etrangers et des Migrants, 2007a, 2007b; Centre d'Analyse Strategique, 2006), interviewees in this study reported that administrative restrictions were placed on them by the French visa services, thus restricting their international career choices. Therefore, they applied for student and tourist visas, hoping to get work permits upon arrival in France. Such restrictions imposed a delay upon them, before being able to integrate in the French job market. Bourdieu's theory on capital emerged here as particularly interesting for two main reasons. First, it provided a relational framework for explaining the capital deployment experiences of participants undertaking international mobility. This multilevel approach allowed us to overcome the macrocontextual focus in the skilled migration literature and the micro-individual emphasis in the selfinitiated expatriation studies. Of particular use here was Bourdieu's concept of habitus which helped us understand how participants' prior knowledge of French language and culture equipped them with a sense of how to act and respond in their daily lives in the host country. Second, by linking social, cultural, economic and symbolic forms of capital, this theory ofered a relational perspective for understanding capital deployment. Capital was not only a matter of education and professional experience. Thus, beyond a limited vision of human capital, participants deployed diferent forms of capital in combination to overcome barriers to their international mobility. Their narratives also pointed to the interdependent and overlapping nature of various forms of capital. For example,in many instances the professional and education network element of social capital also afected the academic qualifications and skill element of cultural capital. Similarly, friends' and family support (an element of social capital) resulted in better financial resources (an element of the economic capital) available to participants. Simi-
301 larly, social capital coupled with economic capital allowed participants to get scholarships. By mobilizing their capital, participants challenged the inequalities placed upon them by relocating from Lebanon. For example, participants es- caped war and poverty in Lebanon, shortage of educational prospects, lack of job opportunities, and administrative difculties such as getting a visa for France. The study also highlights the importance of the context when studying the international mobility of migrants. The socio-cultural, legal and institu- tional contexts of Lebanon and France emerged to have an essential in?uence on the international career choices of the participants in this study.
Conclusion
This paper reviewed two streams of literature on HRM that discuss international career experi- ences, i.e. the skilled migration literature and the selfinitiated expatriation literature. These litera- tures were shown to focus on human capital as a central issue for understanding skilled migration. The migration literature indicates that ?ows of migrants are high from developing to developed countries. Nevertheless, with a few exceptions (Al Ariss, 2010; Richardson, 2009), the usual focus of research in career and management studies is on migrants from developed countries who are described as free agents who can cross organiza- tional and national borders. Less attention is given to the strategies of capital mobilization by individuals from developing countries who under- take international mobility. By exploring the experiences of 39 Lebanese skilled migrants, this paper showed how a 'human capital' emphasis may ignore other forms of capital mobilization that skilled migrants from developing countries use when undertaking international career mobility. The paper demonstrated the way skilled migrants from a developing country need to mobilize social, cultural, economic and symbolic forms of capital in undertaking international mobility. The paper makes two main contributions to research in HRM, in particular to the literatures on migration and self-initiated expatriation. First, it extends our knowledge of the strategies that skilled migrants use to relocate from a developing country and ofers insights about their international mobility choices. It proposes an understanding of
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302 international careers that goes beyond the human capital focus in the literature and ofers a more inclusive picture of skilled migration. Second, using Bourdieu's theory of capital (Ozbilgin and Tatli, 2005), it ofers a relational and multilevel explanation of migrants' experiences of accumulation and deployment of capital in such a way as to encompass individual, organizational and macrocontextual in?uences that afect their career choices. Accordingly, this paper deals with an important social impact by developing a clearer understanding of the capital mobilization experi- ences of an ethnic minority group that has remained under-explored in HRM research. This may lead to a better understanding of our contemporary diverse societies (Kamenou, 2008) and may also advance HRM research by extending its international dimension (Martin-Alcazar, Ro- mero-Fernandez and SanchezGardey, 2008). There are thus significant social implications of this study, especially in terms of policies on immigration and diversity. Beyond the human capital approach used in the management literature on skilled migrants from developed countries, this study showed that migrants from developing countries need to rely on several, often interdependent, sources of capital to be successful in their international career mobility. Institutional and socio-cultural support is increasingly needed in a context where labour migrants are expected to fill job vacancies in developed countries. Further concrete steps are needed such as the formulation and implementation of immigration policies that are efective in helping migrants from developing countries, e.g. in their eforts of relocating and integrating in European job markets. It is, indeed, a fact that skilled migrants, as a human resource, are and will remain vital in sustaining high performance in organizations (Oettl and Agrawal, 2008). Organizations therefore have a real interest in ensuring that principles of meritocracy are applied by state institutions when it comes to hiring new migrants in their national labour markets. While the relatively small number of partici- pants is a clear limitation of this study, our aim was to expand the focus on human capital to other forms of capital in the migration and management literatures. Future scholars may wish to conduct further qualitative and quanti- tative research to determine if the findings can be generalized to other groups of migrants. Future self-initiated expatriation research may adopt
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multilevel and interdisciplinary perspectives when investigating the dynamics behind temporary and permanent migration. More specifically, studies of self-initiated expatriation could take a more international dimension by examining career experiences of ethnic minorities. Women and other disadvantaged groups may also constitute a research target for management studies investi- gating the experiences of migrants (e.g. Syed and Pio's (2010) study of migrant women in Austra- lia). This would help to reveal institutional and organizational dynamics that hinder interna- tional careers of minorities (Bendl, 2008; Ghum- man and Jackson, 2010).
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Akram Al Ariss is assistant professor of human resource management and Head of the HRM Department at Champagne School of Management, ESC Troyes, France. In 2009, he finished a PhD in management at the Norwich Business School, University of East Anglia, UK. His research focuses on career, diversity and migration. He is interested in interdisciplinary approaches to studying HRM. He has written several book chapters and journal papers on issues related to international HRM including papers in Thunderbird International Business Review, Career Development International, Work, Employment and Society and Personnel Review. He sits on the editorial boards of journals such as Equality, Diversity, and Inclusion and Journal of World Business. Before moving to academia, he attained an extensive experience in management consultancy in multinational organizations such as Hewlett-Packard (Beirut), Alcatel-Lucent (Paris), Assad Said Corp (Riyadh, KSA) and RATP (Paris). Jawad Syed is a lecturer in human resource management at Kent Business School, University of Kent, UK. His main academic interests include gender and diversity in organizations, cross-cultural HRM, strategic HRM and organizational knowledge. He received his PhD in HRM from Macquarie University, Australia, and completed a Postgraduate Certificate in Higher Education at the University of Kent, UK. He has written widely on issues related to business and HRM including his papers in the International Journal of Human Resource Management, Human Resource Management Journal and Human Resource Management Review.
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